False self‐employment: the case of Ukrainian migrants in London's construction sector

Published date01 January 2018
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/irj.12199
Date01 January 2018
False self-employment: the case of
Ukrainian migrants in Londons
construction sector
Natalia A. Vershinina, Peter Rodgers, Monder Ram,
Nick Theodorakopoulos and Yulia Rodionova
ABSTRACT
This article, presenting qualitative accounts of Ukrainian business owners, highlights
how migrants engage in false self-employment in the UK. Their experiences
problematise notions of legality and binary depictions of migrant workers as victims
or villains, demonstrating that migrants see their illegal status as a transient stage
before gaining legal status.
1 INTRODUCTION
Whilst migrants have long been recognised as an important source of labour for
global construction markets, their work practices are changing. There have been
concerns that migrant workers exist in a precarious role as a disposable underclass
with limited prospects for social mobility and integration (Sumption and Somerville,
2010, p. 10). False self-employment (Buckley et al., 2016) amongst migrants is rising
as an increasingly hostile regulatory environment combined with widespread
precarity amongst new arrivals to the UK (Behling and Harvey, 2015; Hopkins and
Dawson, 2016). This is particularly the case in construction, a sector characterised
by high migrant participation and irregular working practices (MacKenzie et al.,
2010; Meardi et al., 2012). Yet the processes by which migrants enact false self-
employment, their experiences and coping strategies, and their ultimate objectives
(or projective agency) remain largely unexplored. We examine the lived experiences
of illegal Ukrainian migrants working in Londons construction sector. As new
migrants to the UK (Jones et al., 2014), they engage in irregular work practices,
including various forms of false self-employment. We contribute to existing scholarly
attention on how low-waged migrant workers experience the construction sector not only
in the UK but also across Europe (MacKenzie et al., 2010; Meardi et al., 2012) and also
enhance understanding of how vulnerable groups of workers, such as migrants, seek to
negotiate the institutional complexities of UKs construction sector (Mustchin, 2014).
Natalia A. Vershinina, Senior Lecturer in Entrepreneurship and Monder Ram, Professor of
Entrepreneurship, University of Birmingham, Birmingham, UK, Peter Rodgers, Associate Professor in
Strategy, University of Leicester, School of Business, Leicester, UK, Nick Theodorakopoulos, Professor
of Entrepreneurship Development, Aston University, Birmingham, UK and Yulia Rodionova, The
Russian Presidential Academy of the National Economy and Public Administration. Correspondence
should be addressed to Natalia A. Vershinina, Department of Management, Birmingham
Business School, University of Birmingham, Edgbaston, Birmingham, West Midlands B15 2TT, UK;
email: n.a.vershinina@bham.ac.uk
Industrial Relations Journal 49:1, 218
ISSN 0019-8692
© 2018 Brian Towers (BRITOW) and John Wiley & Sons Ltd
We view the notion of illegalityas a uid process rather than as a given and static
end state, thus transcending binary perceptions of illegal migrants as victim or
villain(Anderson and Ruhs, 2010). By examining the degree to which an individual
engages (or not) in legal labour markets, the articles empirical ndings contribute to
a broader understanding of linkages between notions of illegality and work practices.
Further, by recognising the diversity of these work practices, involving varying
degrees of interaction with legal labour markets, we contribute to a diverse
economies(Gibson-Graham, 2006) approach to understanding contemporary labour
markets. This decentres the legal work environments and highlights alternative
approaches to understanding the lived experiences of migrant workers within the
UK economy and, moreover, the diverse ways that individuals can be viewed as being
self-employed.
Rather than relying on binary opposition, we view vulnerabilityas a useful
conceptual tool to explain the diverse ways that illegal migrant workers navigate
the UK labour market. The ndings also highlight how, perhaps unexpectedly, there
are similarities between how illegal migrants and non-migrant regular self-employed
individuals operate in the UK labour markets. Second, rather than the status of
illegality being viewed as a static phenomenonaxed intended statethe ndings
demonstrate that new migrants see their illegal status as a transient stage within their
journey to gaining legal status. We show how different forms of legality and illegality
coexist. A migrant worker may be illegalaccording to his or her migration status
whilst simultaneously paying tax as a business owner and employing workers and
thus running a legitimate venture (Webb et al., 2013). Moreover, the ndings
demonstrate the heterogeneity in the manifestations of self-employment.
The heterogeneity we report contributes to debates on the socially constructed
distinctions between social and legal boundaries that fragment the notion of work
into various categories such as legaland illegallabour (Hatton, 2015). Whilst
scholars have examined the immense diversity of work practices, nonetheless,
uncritical acceptance of binary distinctions of good or badforms of labour
(Kalleberg, 2011) remains (Zatz, 2009). We focus on the interlinkages and boundaries
between categories to illuminate the full range of work practices, particularly within
the small business context. In order to do this, this article explores the following core
research question: to what extent do self-employed Ukrainian migrants working in the
UK construction sector see their illegal status as an end state or more broadly as a
process?
The article is organised as follows. First, we critically assess debates on migration
and the transient state of migrant workers, considering changes to workerslegal
status and its impact on employment. We focus on self-employment, as one of the
possible employment opportunities that is available for such migrants, which to date
has received little coverage. Then the trends in Ukrainian migration are presented,
relating these to studies on illegal business migration and the construction sector
(Behling and Harvey, 2015). The ndings from interviews with 20 Ukrainian self-
employed construction workers precede the discussion and conclusions sections of
this article.
2 MIGRATION AND ILLEGAL MIGRANTS
The phenomenon of migrantis ill dened in the literature. Anderson (2010, p. 301)
does not distinguish between settled immigrantsand temporary migrantswhen
3False self-employment of Ukrainian migrants in Londons construction sector
© 2018 Brian Towers (BRITOW) and John Wiley & Sons Ltd

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