Fair Chance Act failures? Employers’ hiring of people with criminal records

Published date01 May 2024
AuthorSharon S. Oselin,Justine G. M. Ross,Qingfang Wang,Wei Kang
Date01 May 2024
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/1745-9133.12655
DOI: ./- .
ORIGINAL ARTICLE
Fair Chance Act failures? Employers’ hiring of
people with criminal records
Sharon S. Oselin1Justine G. M. Ross1Qingfang Wang1
Wei K an g2
School of Public Policy, University of
California, Riverside, California, USA
Department of Geography and the
Environment, University of North Texas,
Denton, Texas, USA
Correspondence
Sharon S. Oselin, School of Public Policy,
University of California,  INTS,
Riverside, CA , USA.
Email: soselin@ucr.edu
Funding information
The John Randolph Haynes and Dora
Haynes Foundation, Grant/Award
Number: 
Abstract
Research summary: We examine the efficacy of the
California Fair Chance Act (CFCA) policy—legislative
stipulations regarding employers’ hiring of individuals
with criminal records—on practices and outcomes in
two Southern California counties during . We rely
on survey and experiment data with  hiring decision
makers to investigate employer and personal compli-
ance with the CFCA, whether applicant appeals affect
employers’ willingness to hire them, and heterogeneity
in treatment effects across firms and industries. Close
to % of hiring decision makers violate the CFCA by
obtaining background information before they extend
an offer, appeals have a minimal impact on hiring out-
comes, and firm-level characteristics continue to shape
hiring practices to some extent.
Policy implications: Although certain firms comply
with the relatively new CFCA, most employers violate
it by seeking applicant criminal background informa-
tion, a practice that has profound consequences for
those with criminal records as well as other disadvan-
taged groups. This finding underscores the discrepancy
between de jure and de facto policy practices. Bet-
ter statewide enforcement of the CFCA coupled with
This is an open access article under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs License, which permits
use and distribution in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited, the use is non-commercial and no modifications or
adaptations are made.
©  The Authors. Criminology & Public Policypublished by Wiley Periodicals LLC on behalf of American Society of Criminology.
Criminology & Public Policy. ;:–. wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/capp 361
362 OSELIN  .
increased employer educational training could help
reform it and improve policy adherence. Given it is a
young policy, future research should continue to assess
the CFCA’s efficacy over time.
KEYWORDS
California Fair Chance Act, hiring practices, employment for the
justice-involved, policy
Estimates suggest that approximately one quarter of the American adult population possesses
a criminal record (Jacobs, ), a figure that contains a disproportionate number of indi-
viduals from minority groups (Uggen et al., ). Although scholars emphasize the various
factors that are integral to successful reentry—such as stable housing and supportive prosocial
relationships—employment is understood as central to post-incarceration reintegration and low-
ered recidivism (Apel & Horney, ;Sampson & Laub, ). Employment not only contributes
to one’s financial stability but also enhances self-worth and can lead to improved social relation-
ships (Western, ). The rub is that stable, well-paying jobs, which are often greatly desiredby
those with records, too frequently remain elusive.
Past researchon reentry and employment documents an array of institutional and societal barri-
ers that can thwart job attainmentfor this population, including statistical discrimination, stigma,
liability concerns, repetition risk, and licensure exclusions (Smith & Broege, ; Sugie et al.,
; Vuolo et al., ). As such, employer-based concerns fuel the increasingly widespread use
of background checks to screen out justice-involved applicants (Uggen et al., ). Applicants,
who are keenly awareof the negative stereotypes about them, enact various impression and stigma
management strategies to overcome employer hiring aversion,such as voluntarily disclosing their
past criminal records or offering appeals (Goodman, ). Certain studies find these efforts can
enhance employment outcomes (Heydon & Naylor,), yet this places a tremendous burden on
the applicant to cultivate a changed impression among hiring decision makers.
Employment policies, in contrast, have potentialto level the employment playing field through-
out the hiring process. To begin to tackle long-standing discrimination against people with
records, many states have passed legislation over the past few decades that offers greateremploy-
ment protection for this population (National Employment Law Project[NELP], ; Von Bergen
& Bressler, ). The most common manifestation is found in Ban the Box(BTB) policies, which
primarily eliminate questions about one’s criminal history from the application. Many BTB poli-
cies apply solely to public employers, but a growing number of states include both the private
and public realms (NELP, ). Building upon BTB, some states enacted more stringent leg-
islation that adopts U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC)-recommended
“fair chance” employment guidelines to further advance job prospects for the justice-involved.
Passing one of the most expansive laws in the country in , California enacted the Califor-
nia Fair Chance Act (CFCA) for public and private employers, which includes () “Banning
the Box,” () prohibiting employers from conducting background checks until after a condi-
tional offer of employment is made, () mandating an individualized assessment if a record
is uncovered, and () allowing applicants to appeal rescinded employment offers due to past
crimes. To date, this is the strongest state law in the United States regulating hiring practices for

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