Exporting the first amendment through trade: the global 'constitutional moment' for online platform liability
Author | Han-Wei Liu |
Position | Senior Lecturer, Monash University, Australia |
Pages | 1-56 |
ARTICLES
EXPORTING THE FIRST AMENDMENT THROUGH
TRADE: THE GLOBAL “CONSTITUTIONAL
MOMENT” FOR ONLINE PLATFORM LIABILITY
HAN-WEI LIU*
ABSTRACT
The United States in the recent United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement
and Japan-U.S. Digital Trade Agreement adopts a new clause which mirrors
Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act of 1996, shielding online
intermediaries from third-party contents liability. For policymakers, the seem-
ingly innocuous “Interactive Computer Services” title creates the fundamental
challenge in balancing free speech against competing interests in the digital
age. This Article argues against globally normalizing this clause through its
diffusion in trade deals. Internally, as the Biden Administration has
offered a clean slate to discuss reforms to the controversial regime, it is
unwise for U.S. trade negotiators to export the same clause in future nego-
tiations. Externally, it is problematic for other partners to accept this clause,
born from American values deeply rooted in the First Amendment. Each
country is entitled to achieve the fundamental right of free speech through
their own economic, social, and political pathways, towards an optimal
balance—and rebalance—against other interests. The clause should be
dropped from future trade negotiations while policymakers worldwide grap-
ple with the challenges posed by online platforms and reconfigure their regu-
latory frameworks in the digital era.
* Senior Lecturer, Monash University, Australia. Earlier drafts of this paper were
presented at the 2021 Biennial Conference of the Asian Society of International Law, the
European Society of International Law (ESIL)-Kraków-Leiden Second Symposium on
“Exploring the Frontiers of International Law in Cyberspace,” the Seventh Biennial
Global Conference of the Society of International Economic Law (SIEL), and the 2021
Online Research Workshop on Digital Trade Law Governance in the Asia-Pacific by
National Yang Ming Chiao Tung University School of Law (Taiwan). The author is grateful
for the comments of the participants of these conferences and would like to thank Petros
Mavroidis (Columbia), Ching-Fu Lin (National Tsing Hua University), Thomas Streinz (NYU),
Mengyi Wang (Graduate Institute, Geneva), and Lucia Oriana (UNSW) for their comments. The
author thanks Tiana Moutafis, Grace Pittar, Lourdes Luna Valdez, Guanqing Liu, and Max Davie
for excellent research assistance. The author can be reached at han-wei.liu@graduateinstitute.ch.
Usual disclaimers apply. V
C 2021, Han-Wei Liu.
1
I. INTERACTIVE COMPUTER SERVICES: WHAT IS IN THE NAME?. . . . . . . 2
II. SHAPING THE NORMATIVE ORDER OF ONLINE SPEECH THROUGH TRADE 8
A. The Rise of the Intermediary Immunity Clause in Trade Agreements 8
B. Anatomy of the Intermediary Immunity Clause: A Contextual
Analysis. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
1. The Intent of Intermediary Immunity Clause and
CDA 230 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
2. The Structure of Intermediary Immunity Clause and
CDA 230 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
3. A Deep Dive Reading of CDA 230 and Intermediary
Immunity Clause . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
C. The Normative Impacts of The Intermediary Immunity
Clause . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22
1. Clarifying the Scope of Liabilities. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22
2. ONLINE Platforms as the New Global Ruler of
Internet Speech in the Post-Intermediary Immunity
Clause Era? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24
3. Intermediary Immunity Clauses: All Bark and No Bite? 29
III. THE CASE AGAINST INTERMEDIARY IMMUNITY CLAUSE THROUGH TRADE 37
A. Locking the U.S. in with Moderator’s Dilemma . . . . . . . . . . . . 38
B. MY Trade, Your First Amendment—External Boundaries of
Intermediary Immunity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
IV. CONCLUSION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55
I. INTERACTIVE COMPUTER SERVICES: WHAT IS IN THE NAME?
International trade agreements have been viewed by some—espe-
cially major trading powers like the United States (U.S.)—as a promis-
ing tool to export their domestic laws, substantive or procedural, in the
name of harmonization. On substantive laws, a prime example is that
the U.S. has pursued intellectual property rights (IPRs) through prefer-
ential trade agreements (PTAs).
1
Likewise, the U.S. has attempted to
1. See, e.g., Kenneth Chiu, Harmonizing Intellectual Property Law Between the United States and
Singapore: The United States—Singapore Free Trade Agreement’s Impact on Singapore’s Intellectual Property
Law, 18 GLOB. BUS. & DEV. LAW J. 489, 499 (2005) (reporting that in the early 2000s, Singapore
did not “appear to have an interest in increasing intellectual property” for the lack of “a large
amount of intellectual property owners within its borders” and although it is true that Singapore
viewed “adopting foreign standards as a part of trade agreements” to strategically benefit its
economic development, it is also obvious that the U.S. has leveraged the trade negotiations by
requesting Singapore to align its IPRs laws with those of its own). On this score, see generally
Margot E. Kaminski, The Capture of International Intellectual Property Law Through the U.S. Trade
Regime, 87 S. CAL. L. REV. 977, 983–89 (2014) (outlining the sea change of the U.S. trade policy in
relation to IPR protection and suggesting that the IPR arrangements in the U.S. trade agreements
GEORGETOWN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL LAW
2 [Vol. 53
export its Administrative Procedure Act (APA) type of rulemaking pro-
cess by the “regulatory coherence” or “good regulatory practices” mecha-
nisms in recent mega-regional pacts, notably, the Comprehensive and
Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) and the
United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA).
2
Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership ch. 25, opened for
(incorporating, by reference, the provisions from the Trans-Pacific Partnership). Although the
U.S. has left the TPP, Chapter 25 on Regulatory Coherence remains intact. See Agreement between
the United States of America, the United Mexican States, and Canada ch. 28, Nov. 30, 2018, Office
U.S. Trade Rep., https://ustr.gov/trade-agreements/free-trade-agreements/united-states-mexico-
canada-agreement/agreement-between [hereinafter USMCA]. For a detailed analysis of the global
norm diffusion of regulatory coherence, see generally Regulatory Rationalisation Clauses in FTAS: A
Complete Survey of the US, EU and China, 19 MELB. J. INT’L L. 1 (2018).
With the data-
driven economy continuing to grow and “Big Tech” penetrating virtually
every corner of our digital life,
3
the U.S. has quietly set yet another
foothold for its high-tech firms by exporting Section 230 of the
Communications Decency Act of 1996 (CDA 230) in the name of
“Interactive Computer Services” under the USMCA and later the
Japan-U.S. Digital Trade Agreement (Japan-U.S. DTA).
4
CDA 230 is, in short, the provision that affords online intermediaries broad immunity in
respect of legal claims arising from the content posted by users on their platforms.
Communications Decency Act of 1996, Pub. L. No. 104-104, §502, §223 (a), (e)(5), 110 Stat. 56,
133-34 (1996) (codified as amended at 47 U.S.C.A. § 230 (2018)); see Agreement between the
United States and Japan Concerning Digital Trade, Japan-U.S., Oct. 7, 2019, https://ustr.gov/
sites/default/files/files/agreements/japan/Agreement_between_the_United_States_and_Japan_
concerning_Digital_Trade.pdf [hereinafter Japan-U.S. DTA].
While aligning the normative order of the online environment with
U.S. domestic laws and policies through international trade and invest-
ment agreements is nothing new,
5
much of the existing literature
focuses more on American efforts pushing the unfettered cross-border
data flow and the implications of the U.S.-EU divide on data protection
are “close to, but not precisely, the U.S. law”). One may however argue that such a pattern
predated the turn to free trade agreements and thus influenced the Uruguay Round and the
TRIPs Agreement.
2.
3. The term “Big Tech” often refers to four major technology firms in the U.S., including
Facebook, Apple, Google, and Amazon (FAGA). Occasionally, Microsoft is added to the list. See,
e.g., Richard Waters, Move Over Faangs, Make Way for Maga, FIN. TIMES (July 28, 2018) (referring to
“Maga” as including Microsoft, Apple, Google, and Amazon).
4.
5. Some commentators however argue that the U.S. trade policy has not adequately addressed
the digital economy and its contributions. See, e.g., Markham C. Erikson & Sarah K. Leggin,
Exporting Internet Law Through International Trade Agreements: Recalibrating U.S. Trade Policy in the
Digital Age, 24 CATH. U. J. L. & TECH. 317, 318 (2016).
EXPORTING THE FIRST AMENDMENT THROUGH TRADE
2021] 3
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