Examining Patterns of Interpersonal Violence, Structural and Social Exclusion, Resilience, and Arrest among Young Transgender Women

• Author: Jane Hereth,Matthew J. Mimiaga,Robert Garofalo,Sari L. Reisner,Rachel C. Garthe,Lisa M. Kuhns
• DOI: 10.1177/0093854820938420
• Date: 01 January 2021
• Published date: 01 January 2021
• Subject Matter: Articles

CRIMINAL JUSTICE AND BEHAVIOR, 2021, Vol. 48, No. 1, January 2021, 54 –75.

DOI: https://doi.org/10.1177/0093854820938420

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© 2020 International Association for Correctional and Forensic Psychology

54

EXAMINING PATTERNS OF INTERPERSONAL

VIOLENCE, STRUCTURAL AND SOCIAL

EXCLUSION, RESILIENCE, AND ARREST

AMONG YOUNG TRANSGENDER WOMEN

JANE HERETH

University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee

RACHEL C. GARTHE

University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign

ROBERT GAROFALO

Ann & Robert H. Lurie Children’s Hospital of Chicago

Northwestern University

SARI L. REISNER

Harvard University

Fenway Health

MATTHEW J. MIMIAGA

Brown University

Fenway Health

LISA M. KUHNS

Ann & Robert H. Lurie Children’s Hospital of Chicago

Northwestern University

Young transgender women aged 16–29 years experience high rates of carceral involvement, warranting greater inclusion

of this community within decarceration research and practice. The present study investigates patterns of violence, exclu-

sion, resilience, and arrest among a sample of 298 transgender women aged 16–29 years in Chicago, Illinois, and Boston,

MA. Women in the sample reported high rates of arrest, violence, and exclusion. Latent class analysis (LCA) was used to

identify classes with similar response patterns to items assessing violence, exclusion, resilience, and arrest. A three-class

model was selected to best represent the data, including: (a) “High Violence and Exclusion/High Arrest”; (b) “Low

Arrest”; and (c) “Moderate Violence and Exclusion/High Arrest.” Race and perceived gender expression significantly

predicted class membership. Findings illustrate the heterogeneity of young transgender women’s experiences, suggesting

that a variety of tailored decarceration program and policy interventions are required to meet the differing needs of young

transgender women.

Keywords: gender; latent class analysis; women; violence; stigma; race

AUTHORS’ NOTE: The authors wish to thank the participants of Project LifeSkills for sharing their experi-

ences. Project LifeSkills was supported by the National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH) of the National

Institutes of Health (R01MH094323). Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Jane

Hereth, Helen Bader School of Social Welfare, University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, 2400 E. Hartford Ave.,

Milwaukee, WI 53211; e-mail: info@janehereth.com.

938420CJBXXX10.1177/0093854820938420Criminal Justice and BehaviorHereth et al. / Arrest Among Young Transgender Women

research-article2020

Hereth et al. / ARREST AMONG YOUNG TRANSGENDER WOMEN 55

INTRODUCTION

The American Academy of Social Work Welfare and Research Academy identified

addressing mass incarceration as one of 12 “Grand Challenges” for social work practitio-

ners and researchers (Pettus-Davis & Epperson, 2015). In a working paper, Pettus-Davis

and Epperson (2015) outline an agenda to drastically reduce the number of people involved

in the criminal legal system. This “Smart Decarceration” initiative includes continued

development of evidence-based structural and behavioral interventions to interrupt path-

ways leading to criminal legal system involvement. As noted by Covington and Bloom

(2003), Daly and Chesney-Lind (1988), Salisbury and Van Voorhis (2009), and other schol-

ars, to date, much of the research investigating patterns of life experiences and criminal

legal system involvement has focused on the experiences of cisgender men. Cisgender

refers to individuals whose gender identity aligns with sex assigned at birth (American

Psychological Association [APA], 2015). A growing body of research indicates that cisgen-

der women experience distinct trajectories leading to criminal legal system involvement,

necessitating different prevention programs than those designed for cisgender men (Daly,

1994; DeHart, 2018; Richie, 1996). Substantially less research has focused on transgender

individuals, or individuals whose gender identity does not align with sex assigned at birth

(APA, 2015).

While little attention has been paid to transgender women’s trajectories into the criminal

legal system, a growing body of research documents high rates of criminal legal system

involvement, including police contact, arrest, and incarceration, among this community

(James et al., 2016; Reisner et al., 2014). Prisons and jails typically do not collect data

regarding transgender identity (Reisner et al., 2014). Thus, estimates of criminal legal sys-

tem involvement among transgender individuals come from community-based surveys,

including the 2011 National Transgender Discrimination Survey (NTDS) which reported

lifetime incarceration rates of 16% among transgender adult respondents (Grant et al.,

2011). By contrast, 6.6% of the U.S. population is likely to be incarcerated at some point in

their life time (Bonczar, 2003). Moreover, transgender women of color experience higher

rates of criminal legal system involvement than their White peers. According to the 2016

NTDS, which only assessed arrest within the last year, 2% of all transgender women respon-

dents had been arrested within the last year, yet 6% of Black transgender women and 6% of

American Indian transgender women reported an arrest within the last year (James et al.,

2016). As noted by many scholars, these disproportionately high rates reflect the historical

legacy of gendered and racialized bias within the criminal legal system (Kaeble & Glaze,

2016; The Sentencing Project, 2017).

Nascent research with transgender women aged 16–29 years indicates that this group

may experience particularly high rates of criminal legal system involvement when com-

pared with transgender and cisgender adults (Garofalo et al., 2012). In a study conducted in

Chicago among transgender women below the age of 24 years, 67% reported ever having

been arrested and 37% reported being previously incarcerated (Garofalo et al., 2012). These

disproportionate rates are likely tied to high rates of unemployment, family rejection, vio-

lence and victimization, and police bias, all of which are factors of high risk for young

transgender women (James et al., 2016; Reisner et al., 2014; Wilson et al., 2009). Emerging

adulthood, the stage of life from late teens to mid- to late-20s (Arnett et al., 2014), repre-

sents a critical developmental period during which life experiences shape future social,

economic, and health outcomes (Arnett et al., 2014). Emerging adults are also most likely