Ethnic Differences in Returning Home: Explanations From a Life Course Perspective

DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/jomf.12399
AuthorLenny Stoeldraijer,Tom Kleinepier,Ann Berrington
Published date01 August 2017
Date01 August 2017
T K Delft University of Technology and Netherlands Interdisciplinary Demographic
Institute/Koninklijke Nederlandse Akademie van Wetenschappen/University of Groningen
A B University of Southampton
L S Statistics Netherlands∗∗
Ethnic Differences in Returning Home:
Explanations From a Life Course Perspective
Ethnic differences in leaving and returning
home may reect varying cultural norms
regarding intergenerational coresidence, but
also differences in transitions in linked domains,
for example, employment and partnership
transitions. This study uses Dutch population
register data to compare returning home among
second-generation Turks, Moroccans, Suri-
namese, and Antilleans with native Dutch who
had left the parental home between age 16 and
28 in the period 1999 to 2011 (N=194,020).
All second-generation groups were found to be
more likely to return home than native Dutch.
OTB—Research for the Built Environment, Facultyof
Architecture and the Built Environment, Delft University of
Technology,P.O. Box 5030, 2600 GA Delft, The
Netherlands (t.kleinepier@tudelft.nl).
Department of Social Statistics and Demography,
University of Southampton, Higheld, Southampton SO17
1BJ, United Kingdom.
∗∗Department of Demography, Statistics Netherlands, P.O.
Box 24500, 2490 HA The Hague, The Netherlands.
© 2017 The Authors. Journal of Marriage and Familypub-
lished by WileyPeriodicals, Inc. on behalf of National Coun-
cil on Family Relations.
This is an open access article under the terms of the Creative
Commons Attribution License, which permits use, distribu-
tion and reproduction in any medium, provided the original
work is properly cited.
Key Words: ethnicity, family life, intergenerational relation-
ships, transitions, young adults.
A large part of these differences wasrelated to
the timing and occurrence of other key events in
the life course, such as age at leaving home and
partnership dissolution. Although the impact of
partnership dissolution on returning home was
found to be strong among all origin groups, it
was less pronounced among second-generation
youth, particularly Turks and Moroccans, than
native Dutch youth. Possible explanations and
implications are discussed.
The transition to residential independence con-
tinues to be an important marker of the transition
to adulthood (Corijn & Klijzing, 2001). How-
ever, this transition has become more protracted
and nonlinear in the United States and Europe,
with increasing proportions of young adults
boomeranging back to the parental home (South
& Lei, 2015; Wobma & de Graaf, 2010). Recent
studies have sought to explain this trend in
terms of broader changes in the life course expe-
riences of young adults, including economic
uncertainty arising from precarity in the youth
labor market, lack of affordability in the hous-
ing market, and the instability of partnerships
(Copp, Giordano, Longmore, & Manning, 2015;
Sandberg-Thoma, Snyder, & Jang, 2015; Stone,
Berrington, & Falkingham, 2014). Returning
home can have negative implications, impacting
relationships with parents, peers, and intimate
partners (Lewis, West, Roberts, & Noden, 2015;
Journal of Marriage and Family 79 (August 2017): 1023–1040 1023
DOI:10.1111/jomf.12399
1024 Journal of Marriage and Family
Sassler, Ciambrone, & Benway, 2008). At the
same time, moving back to the parental house-
hold can also provide nancial relief and emo-
tional support to those who have been affected
by job loss, housing insecurity, or partnership
breakdown (Kaplan, 2012; Lewis et al., 2015).
The implications of returning home for young
adults and their parents depend on the reason for
returning. Extended coresidence has been found
to be associated with declines in parent and child
well-being in situations where returning home
coincides with negative events such as job loss
(Copp et al., 2015; Davis, Kim, & Fingerman,
2016). It is thus important to gain a deeper under-
standing of the life course events that trigger
returns home and how they differ according to
individual and parental characteristics.
The implications of returning home also
depend on the extent to which extended coresi-
dence is viewed as nonnormative (Davis et al.,
2016), which may differ across cultural groups.
In many Western European countries, early
residential independence and autonomy from
parents are highly valued and are well supported
by advanced welfare states (Aassve, Arpino,
& Billari, 2013). Returning home is generally
portrayed negatively in public discourse (Kins
& Beyers, 2010). Many non-Western societies,
in contrast, are more collectivistically oriented,
which is reected in strong family ties and inter-
generational support obligations (Kagitçibasi,
1996; Nauck, 2002). Although leaving home
is not necessarily associated with a break in
collectivistic family ties because parents and
children can maintain close family links and
exchanges while living in separate households,
returning is more strongly in contrast with
values of individualism and residential inde-
pendence. Cultural norms may thus particularly
affect the frequency and meaning of returning
home. International migrants and their offspring
form an increasing proportion of the population
in many European countries (Eurostat, 2011). It
is crucial, therefore, to gain more insight into the
patterns of returning home among young people
from migrant families who are inuenced by
the cultural norms held by their parents and
the more individualistic society in which they
grow up.
Existing studies including racial–ethnic dif-
ferences in returning home are conned to North
America (Britton, 2013; Lei & South, 2016;
Mitchell, Wister, & Gee, 2004). This article pro-
vides rst insights for Europe, examining ethnic
variation in returning home among young adults
living in the Netherlands. We focus on the sec-
ond generation of the four largest non-Western
immigrant groups in the country (Turks, Moroc-
cans, Surinamese, Antilleans) and native Dutch.
The Netherlands is a valuable case study given
its ethnically diverse population composition
with differing norms and values regarding inter-
generational coresidence (de Valk & Liefbroer,
2007b). Contrary to the generally late age at
leaving home in the origin countries, migrant
youth in the Netherlands leave the parental
home at younger ages than native Dutch youth,
which has been suggested to relate to higher
levels of conict in migrant families (Zorlu &
Mulder, 2011). However, leaving home earlier
does not necessarily mean that family bonds are
neglected: Collectivistic family ties may be more
important for returns to the parental home.
To study the mechanisms underlying eth-
nic differences in returning home, a life course
framework is needed that emphasizes how ear-
lier life events impact those that occur in later
life (Giele & Elder, 1998). Ethnic differences
in the timing of leaving home may strongly
affect subsequent home-returning behavior.Fur-
thermore, previous research has highlighted the
importance of turning point events in the life
course (e.g., losing a job, union dissolution)
as predictors of home returning (Stone et al.,
2014). The timing and frequency of these turn-
ing points also differ between ethnic groups.
For instance, second-generation migrants in the
Netherlands are generally less successful than
natives in the labor market (van der Vliet, Ooije-
vaar, & Wobma, 2014). Life course transitions
in other domains may thus affect the associa-
tion between ethnicity and home returning. In
addition, the impact of partnership transitions
on returning home might differ by ethnic group:
Qualitative research suggests that Turkish and
Moroccan youth may be less likely to rejoin
the parental home after divorce because their
parents deem divorce as socially unacceptable
(Sterckx & Bouw, 2005). Ethnicity may thus
moderate the impact of partnership dynamics
on returning home. This study seeks answers to
the following three research questions: To what
extent are there differences in the likelihood of
returning to the parental home between Turk-
ish, Moroccan, Surinamese, and Antillean sec-
ond generation and native Dutch young adults?
To what extent are differences in the timing
and occurrence of key life events related to

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