Environmental Determinants of Chinese Development Finance in Africa

AuthorJoshua C. Gellers,Chris Jeffords
DOI10.1177/1070496518825282
Date01 June 2019
Published date01 June 2019
Subject MatterArticles
Article
Environmental
Determinants of Chinese
Development Finance
in Africa
Joshua C. Gellers
1
and Chris Jeffords
2
Abstract
To what extent are decisions regarding Chinese investment in Africa motivated by
environmental factors? A considerable body of work has examined the determinants
of foreign aid among traditional donors, producing useful debates about the relative
significance of recipient need or merit and donor interest. But far less scholarly effort
has focused on the motivations of emerging donors and the role of environmental
factors in influencing aid allocation. In an attempt to fill these gaps, this article uses
statistical techniques to test the hypothesis that China deliberately invests in African
countries with poor environmental performance for reasons related to recipient
need or donor interest. Drawing upon project-level data regarding investments
made by China in Africa from 2002 to 2012, the analysis suggests that Chinese
development assistance grows commensurate with a country’s environmental per-
formance, but only to a point. After a state achieves a certain level of environmental
quality, Chinese investments decline.
Keywords
China, development, foreign investment, environmental regulation, Africa
What are the determinants of foreign aid provided by emerging donors? To
what extent are the criticisms levied by Western governments and international
f‌inancial institutions against such donors legitimate? Although emerging
economies have engaged in the distribution of foreign assistance for decades,
recently such practices have come under f‌ire for, inter alia, propping up
Journal of Environment &
Development
2019, Vol. 28(2) 111–141
!The Author(s) 2019
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DOI: 10.1177/1070496518825282
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1
Department of Political Science and Public Administration, University of North Florida, Jacksonville,
FL, USA
2
Department of Economics, Indiana University of Pennsylvania, PA, USA
Corresponding Author:
Joshua C. Gellers, Department of Political Science and Public Administration, University of North
Florida, 1 UNF Drive, Jacksonville, FL 32224, USA.
Email: josh.gellers@unf.edu
dictatorships, exploiting natural resources, and forging alliances through eco-
nomic dependence. Some analysts have argued that, in contrast to the benevo-
lent traditional donor community, these new(er) donors ruthlessly pursue
national interests through the provision of so-called ‘‘rogue aid’’ (Naı
´m,
2007, p. 95).
The (re)emergence of a donor class consisting of developing states has been
greeted with skepticism by established donors, especially members of the
Development Assistance Committee (DAC), a group of industrialized states
within the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. This
suspicion rests on assumptions that emerging donors are fundamentally reshap-
ing the nature of foreign assistance, and this changing environment presents a
challenge to the dominant development assistance regime (Woods, 2008,
p. 1206). In particular, some DAC members worry that less established
donors are undercutting their ability to promote improvements in governance
and human rights through the provision of aid requiring states to undertake
political and economic reforms (Bra
¨utigam, 2011, p. 761). At stake in this evol-
ving aid landscape is control over the development agenda and the resulting
economic and political trajectories it produces in recipient states.
China stands in the vanguard of these emerging donors. With a history of
providing assistance to developing countries dating back to 1950 (Dreher &
Fuchs, 2011, p. 8), the country currently extends more foreign aid than DAC
member Korea (Kitano, 2014, p. 304). This gravitational shift in the inter-
national aid arena has aroused considerable interest. China’s ascendance in
the realm of foreign assistance has animated concerns that the developing
giant seeks to undermine Western interests abroad and reduce the importance
of environmental protection, good governance, and transparency in the existing
development paradigm (Krauss & Bradsher, 2015). However, some argue that
such concerns are more indicative of a scholarly f‌ixation on perceived threats to
the Western-dominated international order than an unbiased assessment of
Chinese foreign policy (Hirono & Suzuki, 2014, p. 3).
The ideological foundation for Chinese foreign aid was detailed by Premier
Zhou Enlai in 1964. In a speech delivered in Ghana, Zhou laid out eight
principles:
(i) equality and mutual benef‌it; (ii) respect for sovereignty with no conditions
attached; (iii) provided through interest-free or low interest loans; (iv) promotes
self-reliance, not dependency; (v) quick results; (vi) uses best-quality equipment of
Chinese manufacture; (vii) emphasizes technology transfer through technical assist-
ance; (viii) Chinese experts will live at the standard of local experts. (Bra
¨utigam,
2011, p. 760)
These principles appear intuitively attractive to developing countries. A focus on
mutual benef‌it counters concerns that aid will be distributed primarily according
112 Journal of Environment & Development 28(2)

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