Engaging First Nations Australians in Correctional Treatment: The Perspectives of Program Recipients and Facilitators
Published date | 01 January 2024 |
DOI | http://doi.org/10.1177/00938548231207059 |
Author | Meaghan Trudgett,Andrew Mcgrath,Bianca Spaccavento |
Date | 01 January 2024 |
CRIMINAL JUSTICE AND BEHAVIOR, 2024, Vol. 51, No. 1, January 2024, 24 –42.
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1177/00938548231207059
Article reuse guidelines: sagepub.com/journals-permissions
© 2023 International Association for Correctional and Forensic Psychology
24
ENGAGING FIRST NATIONS AUSTRALIANS IN
CORRECTIONAL TREATMENT
The Perspectives of Program Recipients and
Facilitators
MEAGHAN TRUDGETT
ANDREW MCGRATH
BIANCA SPACCAVENTO
School of Psychology, Charles Sturt University
Developing and delivering effective rehabilitation programs that meet the specific needs of First Nations people and overcome
barriers to engagement has been suggested as a way to address the overrepresentation of First Nations Australians in the cor-
rectional system. This project used a critical realist epistemology to understand perceptions of First Nations people participating
in rehabilitation programs to contribute to improvements in treatment responsivity. Semi-structured interviews were conducted
with five First Nations people serving community-based orders and five First Nations Program Facilitators. The data were
analyzed thematically. Four overarching themes emerged: (a) the importance of culture and colonization, (b) intrinsic motivation
to change, (c) communication and language: the role of the First Nations facilitator, and (d) connection: life after jail. These
findings highlight the need for cultural healing as a crucial factor for programs aimed at First Nations Australians.
Keywords: responsivity; rehabilitation programs; corrective services New South Wales; first nations; qualitative
First Nations Australians1 are grossly overrepresented in the criminal justice system
(Weatherburn, 2014). More than three decades after The Royal Commission into
Aboriginal Deaths in Custody (Johnston, 1991), imprisonment rates for First Nations
Australians continue to climb. First Nations Australians make up about 2.5% of the
Australian adult population; however, they account for 29% of the adult prison population
(Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2021). From July 1, 2020 to June 30, 2021,
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people in prison increased by 8% (947) to 13,039. The
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander imprisonment rate increased by 5% from 2,294 to
2,412 people in prison per 100,000 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander adult population.
AUTHORS’ NOTE: This article is based on the dissertation completed by Trudgett (2021).Correspondence
concerning this article should be addressed to Andrew McGrath, School of Psychology, Charles Sturt
University, Panorama Avenue, Bathurst, New South Wales 2795, Australia; e-mail: amcgrath@csu.edu.au.
1207059CJBXXX10.1177/00938548231207059Criminal Justice and BehaviorTrudgett et al. / First Nations Australians in Correctional Programs
research-article2023
Trudgett et al. / FIRST NATIONS AUSTRALIANS IN CORRECTIONAL PROGRAMS 25
First Nations people experience higher recidivism rates, with 78% of First Nations
Australians in custody having been imprisoned previously, compared with 52% of their
non-Indigenous counterparts (ABS, 2021).
A key purpose of the criminal justice system is to rehabilitate individuals and ensure safer
communities (Tamatea, 2017). The modern Australian justice system reflects perspectives of
criminality from a culturally determined, Western way of thinking, and in this regard, courts
and prisons have been said to maintain the status quo by representing only the dominant
culture’s ideologies (Day, 2003). Living in a colonized nation where most of the population
is non-Indigenous places First Nations Australians at a significant disadvantage. Members of
First Nations Australian groups have argued that the criminal justice system is not designed
to serve and protect them, but rather reinforces systematic inequality (Hovane et al., 2014).
The risk, needs, and responsivity model is a widely accepted and practiced correctional
framework (Andrews et al., 1990; Bonta & Andrews, 2007). Psychological research has
made significant advances in understanding offending behavior and rehabilitation, includ-
ing the development of empirical and standardized approaches to the assessment and treat-
ment of people in forensic settings. Risk–need–responsivity principles can guide
decision-making in a system where resources are limited (Tamatea, 2017).
The risk principle states that the intensity of treatment should match risk of reoffending,
where individuals most likely to reoffend are prioritized for rehabilitation programs (Andrews
& Bonta, 2015). The needs principle states that the content and treatment targets of programs
should address the known criminogenic needs (antisocial personality pattern, procriminal
attitudes, antisocial peers, substance abuse, family/marital relationships, education/employ-
ment, and recreational activities; Andrews & Bonta, 2015). Given First Nations Australians
have been found to have high risks and needs, they should be well represented in the current
programs. Recent research from the Department of Corrective Services showed First Nations
people in custody were both less likely to participate in and complete programs (Howard &
Lobo, 2020). Although the reasons for this were not clear, it remains the case that attending
to risk and need alone is not sufficient to reduce recidivism—sustained engagement of par-
ticipants is a key factor to successful rehabilitation programs (Carl et al., 2020).
The responsivity principle holds that programs should be designed and delivered in ways
that consider participants’ individual characteristics. General responsivity in program
design uses cognitive social learning methods to change behavior, whereas specific respon-
sivity delivers programs in a way that overcomes any barriers to engagement, such as learn-
ing style, motivation, cognitive capacity, or literacy (Andrews & Bonta, 2015). These
aspects of responsivity are typically based on research with non-Aboriginal males and do
not consider cultural needs relevant to engagement, or the effects of First Nations Australians’
histories of suffering and distress in the context of broader historical, social, and cultural
contributors to criminalization (Day, 2003; Heffernan et al., 2014).
RESPONSIVITY IN FIRST NATIONS AUSTRALIANS
LEARNING STYLE
Learning style is a responsivity factor particularly relevant to First Nations Australians.
Mals et al. (1999) interviewed 14 mostly First Nations human service workers with experi-
ence of rehabilitation programs in Western Australia. Respondents emphasized the impor-
tance of group discussion over formal didactic instruction; how shame limits self-disclosure
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