Elite Selection in Single-Party Autocracies: Minimizing Protests and Counterproductive State Violence to Maintain Social Stability

Published date01 June 2023
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1177/10659129221091576
AuthorSiniša Mirić,Anna O. Pechenkina
Date01 June 2023
https://doi.org/10.1177/10659129221091576
Political Research Quarterly
© 2022 University of Utah
Article reuse guidelines:
sagepub.com/journals-permissions
DOI: 10.1177/10659129221091576
journals.sagepub.com/home/prq
Introduction
Social scientists have long debated how polities select
their ruling elites. In polities without competitive elec-
tions, single-party autocracies use official promotion to
recruit top officials, while hegemonic (or dominant) par-
ties select candidates for semi-competitive elections.
What determines which officials receive a career
advancement?
Authoritarian elites face two obstacles of governance:
the problem of authoritarian control (managing popular
discontent to preclude mass uprisings), and the problem
of authoritarian power-sharing (managing the ruling
elites’ discontent to proof against a coup) (Svolik 2012).
Single- and hegemonic-party systems tend to outlive
other autocracies, because intra-party competition
resolves said problems by mobilizing mass support and
by brokering bargains among factions (Magaloni and
Kricheli 2010). Advancing officials based on their record
of maintaining social stability, we argue, helps select
those agents who competently resolve the problem of
authoritarian control.
This paper asks who is selected for promotion at the
highest level in the context of China. Taking our lead
from qualitative accounts of how the Communist Party
(CCP, Party) judges the performance of provincial offi-
cials (Edin 2003, Whiting 2004) and building on the
vast literature on popular unrest in China (e.g., Chen
2012, Lorentzen 2013, O’Brien 2008), we argue that
provincial party leaders need to meet political targets to
receive a promotion; these targets are evaluated based
on leaders’ skill of maintaining social stability by mini-
mizing labor protests (used interchangeably with
“strikes” in the paper) and resolving labor protests
peacefully. Strikes skyrocketed in the 2000s and
1091576PRQXXX10.1177/10659129221091576Political Research QuarterlyMirić and Pechenkina
research-article2022
1Emory University, Decatur, GA, USA
2Utah State University, Logan, UT, USA
Names appear alphabetically, authorship is equal.
Corresponding Author:
Anna O. Pechenkina, Political Science, Utah State University, 0725
Old Main Hill, Logan, UT 84322-1400, USA.
Email: apechenkina@gmail.com
Elite Selection in Single-Party
Autocracies: Minimizing Protests and
Counterproductive State Violence to
Maintain Social Stability
Siniša Mirić1† and Anna O. Pechenkina2
Abstract
Why are some but not other officials selected for promotion in single-party regimes? Understanding inner-elite
dynamics of these regimes is important for explaining their resilience. Recent evidence suggests that these polities
prioritize patronage connections over competence, when deciding who receives advancement at the top echelons of
power hierarchy. By contrast, this paper proposes that, besides patronage, competence (demonstrated as an official’s
ability to maintain social stability) also contributes to the promotion of top officials. While it is widely acknowledged
that social stability is a key concern for autocracies, prior quantitative research on career outcomes of single-party
elites has largely ignored this criterion for promotion. We argue that evaluating officials based on their ability to
minimize protests demonstrates another dimension of competence (in addition to economic growth) that is designed
to address the problem of authoritarian control, that is, managing popular discontent. We test this argument in the
context of China, using a sample of 116 party secretaries in 2003–2017 who faced a total of 10,085 labor protests.
Our findings are consistent with this argument.
Keywords
authoritarian politics, China, CCP, promotion, social stability, protests, labor strikes, protests in autocracies
2023, Vol. 76(2) 607–621
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