Elite Messaging and Partisan Consumerism: An Evaluation of President Trump’s Tweets and Polarization of Corporate Brand Images

DOI10.1177/1065912920939188
Date01 December 2021
AuthorKyle Endres,Donald P. Green,Costas Panagopoulos
Published date01 December 2021
Subject MatterArticles
2021, Vol. 74(4) 834 –851
https://doi.org/10.1177/1065912920939188
Political Research Quarterly
© 2020 University of Utah
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DOI: 10.1177/1065912920939188
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Article
President Donald J. Trump is a prolific user of Twitter,
boasting more than 62 million followers on one of the
most visible accounts on the platform.1 Through his fre-
quent use of Twitter, President Trump regularly engages a
variety of subjects and actors. He has used Twitter at
times to spotlight his friends and at other times to direct
criticism at his foes. Many of the recipients of President
Trump’s public admiration or disdain are not inherently
political, but rather become politicized when the head of
the Republican Party features them on his Twitter feed. In
fact, some of the most successful American brands, such
as Apple, Macy’s, Nike, Nordstrom, and others, have
been jolted into the political limelight either during
Donald Trump’s presidential campaign or during his ten-
ure as president. For example, he has explicitly or implic-
itly called for boycotts of Apple, Macy’s, and Nike using
Twitter. His daily barrage of tweets often generates atten-
tion beyond his millions of followers, as they are shared
by other users and are further amplified by media cover-
age (Wells et al. 2016). The sudden politicization of these
brands presents an opportunity to evaluate the president’s
ability to guide consumer attitudes and behavior toward
these brands.
President Trump’s transformation from reality TV per-
sonality to the foremost Republican official occurred dur-
ing a period of heightened polarization in the United
States, in which Democrats and Republicans increasingly
view their own party favorably and the opposing party
negatively (Iyengar, Sood, and Lelkes 2012). Many
recent studies have shown that partisans’ views and
behaviors can be influenced when they begin to associate
seemingly nonpolitical entities with one of the major
political parties (e.g., Banda, Carsey, and Severenchuk
2020; Panagopoulos et al. 2020). In recent years, politics
939188
PRQXXX10.1177/1065912920939188Political Research QuarterlyEndres et al.
research-article2020
1University of Northern Iowa, Cedar Falls, IA, USA
2Northeastern University, Boston, MA, USA
3Columbia University, New York, NY, USA
Corresponding Author:
Kyle Endres, Department of Political Science, University of Northern
Iowa, 2304 College Street, Cedar Falls, IA 50614, USA.
Email: kyle.endres@uni.edu
Elite Messaging and Partisan
Consumerism: An Evaluation of
President Trump’s Tweets and
Polarization of Corporate
Brand Images
Kyle Endres1, Costas Panagopoulos2, and Donald P. Green3
Abstract
One of the hallmarks of the Trump Administration has been the president’s frequent use of Twitter to express his
approval of or disdain for firms such as L.L. Bean or Macy’s. The suddenness with which corporations have come
into the political spotlight presents a research opportunity to scholars interested in opinion leadership and partisan
polarization. To what extent do presidential tweets lead to polarization of Democrats’ and Republicans’ opinions
about the firms that are praised or excoriated? Are these effects especially strong among co-partisans? How long-
lasting are they? Using weekly evaluations of firms that came under fire from President Trump’s tweets, we model
the net brand ratings of Democratic and Republican respondents. Our time-series results suggest that presidential
criticism via Twitter typically has strong immediate effects on net ratings that subside after a few months. One
noteworthy exception is presidential criticism of Apple, which coincided with criticism from prominent Democrats as
well. Overall, the magnitude of the immediate effect demonstrates the role of elite opinion leadership in precipitating
polarized assessments of firms that were previously evaluated similarly across the political spectrum.
Keywords
consumerism, boycotts, buycotts, polarization
Endres et al. 835
2 Political Research Quarterly 00(0)
has infiltrated the marketplace, with large percentages of
Americans reporting boycotting or “buycotting” products
or companies for political reasons (Endres and
Panagopoulos 2017) or for their association with
President Trump and his family’s products (Copeland and
Becker 2019). The dynamics of an affectively polarized
citizenry that, at a minimum, claims to engage in “parti-
san consumerism,” and a president who does not shy
away from voicing his own negative views of (and dis-
agreements with) American companies, creates an oppor-
tunity to evaluate the influence of elite partisan opinion
leaders via social media on affective polarization in the
marketplace, as showcased by President Trump’s tweets
calling on the public to embrace or shun specific brands.
We examine the president’s ability to lead public
opinion by monitoring shifts in overall brand evalua-
tions of partisans following the president’s public
expressions of scorn toward multiple U.S. companies.
Modern presidents routinely avail themselves of the
“bully pulpit” to appeal directly to the public, and presi-
dential pronouncements have the capacity to influence
public opinion (Canes-Wrone 2006; Edwards 2003).
Cavari (2013) argues presidents are uniquely positioned
to shape public attitudes by virtue of being, “the most
dominant actor in American politics” (p. 336), but presi-
dential leadership of public opinion varies depending on
specific contexts or conditions, message attributes, or
individual characteristics (Cavari 2013; Cohen 2015;
Tedin, Rottinghaus, and Rodgers 2011). Partisan iden-
tity has been shown to condition responsiveness to pres-
idential cues, for instance (Cohen 2015; Zaller 1992);
while co-partisans may be receptive to such cues, oppo-
sition party identifiers may be resistant or may react
negatively (Cohen 2015; Zaller 1992). These arguments
imply elite cues will polarize partisans’ views, but these
effects could also be asymmetrical if co-partisans are
more responsive to presidential cues, as several studies
have demonstrated (Cavari 2013; Cohen 2015). We
expect that public responsiveness to presidential signals
extends to consumer settings.
Aggregating daily surveys of Americans’ brand per-
ceptions into a weekly time-series that stretches from
January 2014 through January 2019, we assess the
extent to which President Trump’s tweets affect how
Democrats and Republicans view consumer brands.
We test his influence separately among self-reported
Democrats and Republicans and find that the president’s
calls to boycott and/or endorsements of emerging boy-
cotts have immediate, negative effects on Republicans’
brand perceptions while having the opposite effects for
Democrats. These shifts in opinion are often large,
highly significant, and persist for up to five months. Our
results also suggest the effects are most potent among
the president’s co-partisans.
Background and Expectations
Most Americans self-identify as either Democrats or
Republicans,2 and their attachments to one of the major
political parties influence both their political participation
and their views of many policy and political issues
(Campbell et al. 1960). The reach of partisanship in the
United States, however, extends beyond the political
realm and has become a central component of some parti-
sans’ social identities (see, for example, Mason 2018).
Over the last forty years, partisans have become more
divided, with many Democrats and Republicans viewing
their fellow partisans more positively while viewing
opposing partisans more negatively—a phenomenon
known as affective polarization (Iyengar, Sood, and
Lelkes 2012; Lelkes 2016). This in-group bias favoring
one’s own party combined with animosity toward the
other party is consistent with social identity theory (Tajfel
and Turner 1979) and has both electoral and non-electoral
consequences. Partisan divisions, for example, can elicit
emotional responses (e.g., anger or incivility), which in
turn can drive political attitudes, vote choice, and voter
turnout (Huddy, Mason, and Aarøe 2015; Miller and
Conover 2015). Affective partisan polarization has grown
so strong in the United States that it rivals other societal
divisions, such as racial polarization, and can contribute to
discriminatory evaluations of, and actions toward, the
individuals affiliated with (or perceived as affiliated with)
the other party (Iyengar and Westwood 2015). Outside the
political realm, how partisans view and treat each other
can be affected by their perceptions of other people’s party
affiliation. Both contract workers (McConnell et al. 2018)
and employers (Gift and Gift 2015), for example, have
demonstrated preferences for co-partisans.
Positive (negative) views and actions toward individu-
als affiliated with the same (other) political party could
extend to corporations that become associated with either
the Democrats or Republicans. Sizable percentages of
Americans claim their behavior in the marketplace has
been influenced by political or social factors (Endres and
Panagopoulos 2017; Newman and Bartels 2011).
Consumers can express their opposition to a brand’s poli-
tics by avoiding the brand through boycotts when they dis-
agree with its politics. Alternatively, consumers can seek
out brands through “buycotts” when they agree with their
politics (Bennett and Entman 2000; Neilson 2010; Shah et
al. 2007; Stolle and Micheletti 2015). Corporate political
activity often occurs under the radar but can influence con-
sumer preferences if partisans become aware of a brand’s
allegiance to one political party instead of the other, such
as through exposure to political contributions in past elec-
tion cycles (Panagopoulos et al. 2020). Given the poten-
tially negative consequences of communicating a partisan
position to their customer base, corporations generally

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