Electoral System and Gender Representation in Sub-National Legislatures: Is there a National—Sub-National Gender Gap?

• Author: Richard Vengroff,Melissa Fugiero,Zsolt Nyiri
• Published date: 01 June 2003
• Date: 01 June 2003
• DOI: http://doi.org/10.1177/106591290305600205
• Subject Matter: Articles

Electoral System and Gender Representation in
Sub-National Legislatures:
Is there a National—Sub-National Gender Gap?
RICHARD VENGROFF AND ZSOLT NYIRI, UNIVERSITY OF CONNECTICUT
MELISSA FUGIERO, UNIVERSITY OF MASSACHUSETTS
Although there have been many studies which have looked at the impact of gender representation at the
national level, there are relatively few which explore the sub-national level. In this article we provide an explo-
ration of the patterns of representation of women within democratic countries, both developed and transitional
that have elected regional, state, cantonal, or provincial legislatures which occupy the middle ground between
the central government and local or municipal administration. We provide a systematic comparative analysis
of women’s access to and representation in such bodies. The focus is on a cross-national comparison of gender
representation at the meso level and the gap in representation between meso and national legislatures. The
impact of electoral system type, party magnitude, economic development, constitutional structure, and insti-
tutionalization of democratic structures are examined. The data on which this analysis is based are drawn from
536 meso legislative bodies in 29 countries. This is supplemented by party level data (n = 1,348) for the issue
of party magnitude. Both OLS and logistical regression are used to test these propositions.
Many critical policy issues such as the environment, ticular concern to women (Andrew 1991; Ford and Dolan
economic development, human resource devel-
1999). How women are re p resented in elective councils and
opment, health care, cultural issues and educa-
l e g i s l a t u res at this level may there f o re have a critical impact
tion transcend traditional local and municipal governments
on a broad range of policy issues in the future. In addition to
but are diverse enough to require alternative policies and
the critical areas of policy they address, meso elective bodies
solutions below the level of the central state. One major
may provide attractive opportunities and easier access for
response has been to create intermediate (meso) levels of
women. These legislatures offer seats that are often less com-
government between the central and local levels. These
petitive, re q u i re less costly campaigns, and are less likely to
“meso”-level governments and their councils or legislatures
re q u i re relocation away from familial demands, all condi-
are serving an increasingly important set of functions in the
tions which have traditionally inhibited women’s involve-
world’s democracies. Among the many roles played by the
ment in electoral politics (Lovenduski 1986). In addition,
meso level are (1) addressing issues of regional and ethnic
they also may serve as an important re c ruiting ground for
nationalism; (2) provision of an increasing set of service
women candidates for higher level offices.
functions ranging from health to the environment, trans-
In this study we explore the patterns of re p re s e n t a t i o n
portation, education, welfare, and regional planning; 3)
of women within democratic countries, both advanced
addressing the ideological association between decentraliza-
industrial and developing, that have elected regional, state,
tion and democracy and the redistribution of state power;
cantonal, county, or provincial legislatures which occupy
(4) providing the opportunity for the central state to serve
the middle ground between the central government and
its own neo-liberal interests by downloading or dumping
local or municipal administration. Although there have
significant functions to the “meso” level while avoiding the
been many studies which have looked at the impact of elec-
need to raise central taxes (Sharpe 1993).
toral systems on gender re p resentation at the national
level, there are re latively few which explore the sub-
MESO LEGISLATIVE BODIES:
national level. For example, in a recently published re f e r-
A SPECIAL CASE FOR GENDER REPRESENTATION
ence work, Women in Politics: World Bibliography, pro d u c e d
for the Inter- p a r l i a m e n t a ry Union (IPU 1999), less than 4
For all of these reasons meso governments have become
out of 418 pages and only 19 of 650 titles are to be found
i n c reasingly important, especially in relation to issues of par-
in the section on women in sub-national governments. Of
the articles on the subject, we generally find them limited
to examination of a single local government, sub-national
NOTE: The authors wish to thank Jack Vowles, Goran Hyden, Carol
units within a single nation, such as the U.S. (MacManus et
Nechemias, and Philip Norton for comments on earlier drafts of
al. 1999; Hawks and Staton 1999; Rule 1999; Ford and
this article presented at the IPSA and APSA annual meetings, Mark
Jones and Steven L. Solnick and Graeme Robertson for help with
Dolan 1999), a comparison of diff e rent systems functioning
data on Argentina and Russia, and the anonymous reviewers for
at the sub-national level in the same country over time
PRQ for their excellent suggestions.
(Jones 1998; also Rule 1994), or a comparison of local and/
Political Research Quarterly, Vol. 56, No 2 (June 2003) pp. 163-173
or regional governments in a small number of countries
163

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POLITICAL RESEARCH QUARTERLY
(Considine and Deutchman 1996; Matland and Studlar
the workforce and low unemployment overall (Rule 1987,
1996; Downs 1998).
1999), strength of fundamentalist religion (Welch and Stud-
We undertake a broader comparison of “meso” (sub-
lar 1986), profession of legislators, incumbency (Bullock and
national, intermediate) legislatures in both advanced indus-
MacManus 1991; Kushner, Siegal, and Stanwick 1997; Stud-
trial democracies (AINDs) and democracies in less devel-
lar and McAllister 1991; Studlar and Welch 1991) the level
oped countries (LDCDs). Here we provide a systematic
of organization and strength of women’s groups (Chapman
analysis of women’s access to and representation in such
1993: 11; Caul 1997; Maille 1990) and “contagion” (Mat-
bodies. We place emphasis on the differential impact of
land and Studlar 1996; Reynolds and Reilly et al. 1997: 5)
formal electoral systems on the election of women at the
especially where some of the political parties adopt quotas,
meso level. We also examine the relationship between rep-
and campaign finance and fundraising issues.
resentation at the meso level and in national legislatures, the
Traditionally, women’s roles in many societies are con-
national– sub-national gender gap.
ceived to be inconsistent with competing for, or holding of,
There is a well established and growing literature on the
political office. The socialization hypothesis suggests that
impact of electoral systems and electoral system reform on
women are not interested in competing for such posts
the representation of women in national legislative bodies
because of internalized values (Darcy, Welch, and Clark
(Darcy, Welch, and Clarke 1994; Matland and Taylor 1997;
1994: 104-18; Whicker and Whitaker 1999: 172-73). In
Caul 1999; Rule 1987, 1994; Schmitter 1998; MacIvor
addition, it is often argued that the pool of qualified women
1996). In general, these studies have concluded that more
from which potential candidates can be drawn is small, i.e.,
women are elected in proportional rather than in plurality
the supply thesis (Randall 1987; Darcy, Welch, and Clark
or majority electoral systems. Furthermore, these studies
1994; see also Gidengil and Vengroff 1997a, 1997b). All
show that electoral arrangements do affect not just electoral
three of these factors have undergone dramatic changes in
outcomes, but opportunities for women as candidates.
the advanced industrial countries (AINDs) but not exclu-
Electoral results in industrialized countries generally sug-
sively in those countries (Rule and Zimmerman 1992;
gest that list pro p o rtional re p resentation systems are more
Welch and Studlar 1986; Ford and Dolan 1999).
conducive to women gaining office than are single member
Women are still handicapped in the competition for
plurality district systems. For example, in a study of “stable
political office. Significantly fewer women than men pre s e n t
democracies,” Darc y, Welch and Clarke (1994: 142) arg u e
themselves as candidates and few are chosen as candidates
that, “on average twice a pro p o rtion of women (20.2 per-
for either safe or competitive seats. In fact, the GEM (the
cent) are currently elected to list PR systems as compared to
United Nations’ gender empowerment measure) continues
SMD (10.2 percent),”(also see Reynolds, Reilley et al. 1997).
to show important disparities in gender re p resentation, even
Ve n g ro ff, Cre e v e y, and Krisch (2000) confirm this finding
in the best of cases such as the Scandinavian countries
using more recent electoral data and including a third cate-
(UNDP 1998). However, it is generally accepted that access
g o ry, mixed systems. In the comparison of 153 lower houses,
for women to local and meso-level elective office is gre a t e r
they found the percentage of women in pro p o rtional, mixed
than it is for national legislative seats (Darc y, Welch, and
and plurality/majority systems to be 14.7, 11.5, and 7.9 per-
Clark, 1994; Matland and Studlar 1998; Lovenduski and
cent, respectively (p N o rris 1993; Rule 1999; Ford and Dolan 1999). Furt h e r-
Women form small minorities in most legislatures but
m o re, there has been a slow but...