Electoral Budget Cycles in Legislatures

Published date01 November 2013
AuthorJoachim Wehner
Date01 November 2013
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/lsq.12027
JOACHIM WEHNER
London School of Economics
and Political Science
Electoral Budget Cycles
in Legislatures
This article examines electoral cycles in legislative budget decisions. Where local
structures play an important role in candidate selection and election, legislators’ incen-
tives to amend the executivespending proposal can depend on the proximity of elections,
leading to more spendthrift behavior in the run-up to popular votes. However, stringent
budget institutions can counteract this tendency. Using a unique dataset of executive
spending proposals and approved budgets in Sweden, I f‌ind strong empirical support for
these predictions. Future studies of electoral cycles should pay greater attention to
separating the contributions of the legislative and executive stages of the budgetary
process and the conditions that foster electoral cyclicality in legislatures.
The idea that politicians may attempt to manipulate economic per-
formance or f‌iscal policy as they approach elections has been the subject
of much empirical work, often with mixed results.This ar ticle highlights
the role of legislative politics and budget institutions. Most of the existing
literature on electoral cycles in f‌iscal policy does not clearly disentangle
the separate contribution of executive and legislative dynamics. I develop
a framework for thinking about the effect of elections on legislative
spending choices and an empirical strategy to address this gap. In addi-
tion, I test whether budget institutions condition the effect of elections on
legislative spending decisions, in line with calls for more “context-
conditional” work that explores under what circumstances electoral
cycles are most likely to occur (Franzese 2002).
My argument builds on the distributive politics approach
(Weingast, Shepsle, and Johnsen 1981) and is based on the observation
that legislators face tiered career incentives: They f‌irst need to be
reselected and reelected, which depends on pleasing those who have the
power to select and elect candidates; once this has been accomplished,
they have incentives to get appointed to positions of inf‌luence, which
usually depends on pleasing their party’s leadership. Where local struc-
tures play an important role in candidate selection and election, this can
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LEGISLATIVE STUDIES QUARTERLY, XXXVIII, 4, November 2013 545
DOI: 10.1111/lsq.12027
© 2013 The Comparative Legislative Research Center of The University of Iowa
create incentives for legislators to internalize a decreasing share of the
cost of their actions as elections approach. If these incentives are
unchecked, parliamentary changes to the executive budget proposal are
likely to vary systematically around the time of elections, with pre-
election splurges followed by relative discipline after elections. However,
institutional constraints can counteract the temptation for legislators to
go on an election-induced spending spree. I examine these hypotheses
with a unique dataset of changes to executive spending proposals during
their review in the Swedish Riksdag, covering the period since the f‌irst
fully democratic elections in 1921. To preview, I f‌ind systematic evidence
of electoral cycles in these changes, conditional on institutional context,
even when accounting for the possibility of strategic interaction and a
range of other variables. The rigid nature of Sweden’s electoral calendar
suggests that these effects are at least in principle causal.
The article has three main sections. The f‌irst section brief‌ly
sketches some relevant trends in the literature and highlight gaps, fol-
lowed by theoretical background and the hypotheses to be tested. The
second section discusses case selection and reviews the relevantvariables
and data, and the third section contains the empirical investigation. The
conclusion examines generalizability and the wider implications of the
results.
Electoral Proximity and Legislator Incentives
The literature on electoral budget cycles is extensive and has under-
gone a series of ref‌inements. Initially, research focused on the manipu-
lation of economic outcomes by politicians (Nordhaus 1975). Empirical
work has found rather mixed support. For various reasons, politicians
may not be able to directly engineer economic expansions.1However,
they may have more direct control over the budget and may use it to
attempt electoral manipulation (Rogoff and Sibert 1988; Tufte 1978).
More recent is a focus on context conditionality (Franzese 2002). Elec-
toral cycles in f‌iscal policy have been related to the form of government
(Persson and Tabellini 2002), democratic maturity (Brender and Drazen
2005), and budget transparency (Alt and Lassen 2006), while Chang
(2008) shows that electoral systems condition which types of outlays
increase in election years. Using data from the American states, Alt and
Rose (2007) f‌ind that institutional arrangements that strictly enforce
balanced budgets eliminate the f‌iscal effect of elections (see also Rose
2006). The latter argument is largely untested for parliamentary systems.
One exception is the work by Clark and Hallerberg(2000), although their
main focus is the interplay between f‌iscal and monetary policymakers.
546 Joachim Wehner

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