Editor's Introduction Public Intellectuals: Jane Jacobs and Henry George

Date01 May 2015
Published date01 May 2015
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/ajes.12106
The AMERICAN JOURNAL of
ECONOMICS and SOCIOLOGY
Published Q U A R T E R L Y in the interest of constructive
synthesis in the social sciences, under grants from the FRANCIS
NEILSON FUND and the ROBERT SCHALKENBACH FOUNDATION.
Founded in 1941
Volume 74 May 2015 Number 3
Editor’s Introduction
Public Intellectuals:
Jane Jacobs and Henry George
Among the unusual characteristics that unite the two figures who are
the focus of this issue is the fact that both spent brief periods in jail.
Henry George was arrested in Ireland in May 1882 for his active report-
ing on the work of the Irish Land League (Barker [1955] 1983: 369–371).
Jane Jacobs was jailed in April 1968 for disrupting a sham public hear-
ing on the Lower Manhattan Expressway (New York City) that would
have destroyed several neighborhoods (Sparberg 2006: 132; Flint 2009:
174–175). In both cases, their arrests added to their celebrity.
Both were visible figures, both in print and in public affairs. Henry
George wrote influential books that attacked private monopolies and
concentrated land ownership. He was influential on reformers around
the world (Sun Yat Sen in China, George Bernard Shaw and Winston
Churchill in England, Jose Marti in Cuba, Leo Tolstoy in Russia, to name
a few). He was surpassed in fame only by Mark Twain and Thomas
Edison (deMille 1979: 2). Jane Jacobs was already a legend by the time
of her death in 2006, perhaps in equal parts for leading the fight that
stopped Robert Moses in his efforts to make Manhattan more auto
friendly, revolutionizing city planning by focusing on the lived
American Journal of Economics and Sociology, Vol. 74, No. 3 (May, 2015).
DOI: 10.1111/ajes.12106
V
C2015 The American Journal of Economics and Sociology, Inc.
experience of urban spaces, and finally by proposing a model of urban
development based on differentiation and import replacement more
than agglomeration, economies of scale, or capital accumulation.
1
Public Intellectual as Activist: A Distinctive Role
The most important feature shared by George and Jacobs was, how-
ever, their position as activist scholars or public intellectuals, terms I
shall use interchangeably. At the simplest level, this means that they
wrote intelligibly for a large audience, not for specialists, about matters
of public importance. But if that characteristic defined a public intellec-
tual, hundreds of journalists would also qualify. Since this is an impor-
tant role that is seldom occupied or acknowledged, I want to take a
moment here to define it in opposition to two other roles: the scholar
and the activist.
Because we commonly organize experience into clearly-defined cat-
egories, it is easy to miss the fact that many of the most important rela-
tionships cross the boundaries we have established. An example of that
is the division between “scholars” or “intellectuals” on the one hand,
and “activists” or “advocates” on the other. We expect the former to be
neutral, objective, and careful, and we think of the latter as journalistic,
but without a deep understanding of the complexities of issues. We
also consider scholars to be original thinkers, developing their own sys-
tems of thought or experimental methods, while activists are generally
derivative, adopting models developed elsewhere and often simplifying
them for mass consumption.
To a great extent, those distinctions between scholarship and advo-
cacy are accurate. Scholars tend to develop theories or models replete
with exceptions and caveats, tested inconclusively with various statistical
techniques. Whatever their findings, they regard them as provisional,
never final. By contrast, a characteristic of most advocacy or activism is
that it focuses on anecdotes and observable relationships. Even statistical
evidence is treated anecdotally. Activists either tend to ignore intellectual
models or make use of ones that are developed by scholars rather than
creating their own. They pick and choose among provisional scientific
conclusions to create a coherent story that can convince the public to
act. To most scholars, activists appear to be motivated by ideology rather
The American Journal of Economics and Sociology458

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