Editor's Introduction: Marie Howland—19th‐Century Leader for Women's Economic Independence

Published date01 November 2015
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/ajes.12127
Date01 November 2015
The AMERICAN JOURNAL of
ECONOMICS and SOCIOLOGY
Published Q U A R T E R L Y in the interest of constructive
synthesis in the social sciences, under grants from the FRANCIS
NEILSON FUND and the ROBERT SCHALKENBACH FOUNDATION.
Founded in 1941
Volume 74 November 2015 Number 5
Editor’s Introduction:
Marie Howland—19
th
-Century Leader for
Women’s Economic Independence
Introduction
What can we learn from the social biography of Marie Howland, a 19
th
-
century novelist, women’s rights activist, and social theorist who has
been largely neglected by both historians and feminists? Holly Blake
has used the life of this remarkable woman to tell a complex story that
raises a wide range of issues that remain pertinent in our own time.
One place to begin is with a short list of “f‌irsts,” by which I mean
achievements of which Marie Howland was one of the f‌irst. (This is not
about bragging rights. It is about which voices are ignored in our under-
standing of historical antecedents.)
Howland was among the first white working-class women to
write a novel and almost certainly the first to have written a
utopian novel.
Howland was one of the first working-class women in the
women’s rights movement.
American Journal of Economics and Sociology, Vol. 74, No. 5 (November, 2015).
DOI: 10.1111/ajes.12127
V
C2015 American Journal of Economics and Sociology, Inc.
Howland was a modern feminist at least four decades before
that term came into use. Cott (1987: 4) argues that modern femi-
nism began, both “the name and the phenomenon,” around
1910, but Howland exemplified by the 1870s the entire breadth
of feminist thought of the 1910s and 1920s: socialism, economic
equity, an end to “separate spheres” for men and women, liber-
ation from sexual oppression and double standards, and alter-
natives to traditional marriage. A recalibration of the history of
feminism is thus called for.
These insights into the distinctive contribution of Howland derive
from the painstaking work that Holly Blake has undertaken to create
a rounded picture of this unusual woman. Her major sources of informa-
tion were Howland’s novel and a few short stories, her correspondence
found in several archives, newspaper articles and newsletters that How-
land wrote, and, f‌inally, a handful of articles written about Howland.
Pulling all of those strands together, Blake has created a full social biog-
raphy of Howland.
Because of the arbitrary ways in which disciplinary boundaries are
drawn, social biography is not often regarded as a proper sociological
method. (C. Wright Mills ([1959] 1967: 162–163] recommended the use
of social biography, but he warned that it could not substitute for
examination of social structures.) It should be one tool among many in
the f‌ield of sociology. In this case, it involves portraying Howland in
relation to major surrounding events: working in a mill at beginning of
industrialization, working for a phrenologist when skull measurements
were starting to be used to classify race and gender, working in an
urban slum as poor immigrants settled in them, living with bohemians
as they developed a critique of bourgeois values, writing a reformist
novel when most other women wrote romances as diversions from an
isolated existence, becoming a Theosophist when Christianity was
being questioned, becoming a women’s rights activist just as the door
was closing on political activism, and starting a community based on
the principles of Charles Fourier three decades after that philosophy
had been declared dead. In short, a social biography gives us a picture
not only of an individual, but of competing ways of life in the second
half of the 19
th
century in the northeastern United States. The one giant
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