Economics, COVID, Election Forecasting: Did Trump Escape Blame?

Published date01 September 2023
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1177/1532673X231168584
AuthorCharles Tien,Michael S. Lewis-Beck
Date01 September 2023
Subject MatterArticles
Article
American Politics Research
2023, Vol. 51(5) 619632
© The Author(s) 2023
Article reuse guidelines:
sagepub.com/journals-permissions
DOI: 10.1177/1532673X231168584
journals.sagepub.com/home/apr
Economics, COVID, Election Forecasting: Did
Trump Escape Blame?
Charles Tien, Ph.D.
1
and Michael S. Lewis-Beck
2
Abstract
Given Trumps provocative personal prof‌ile, coupled with boasts of his political prowess, one might expect that the electorate
would not allocate praise or blame at the ballot box in the usual reward and punishment way. They might blame him more than
other candidates or, indeed, they might blame him less. Utilizing election forecasting as a benchmark, in particular the structural
model of political economy, we assess whether voters blamed him less for his faltering performance with respect to leading
policy issues, particularly the economy and COVID-19. Our f‌indings suggest that, contrary to claims from supporters, voter s
punished him at least as much as they punished past presidents, when confronted with similar issue contexts. The Trump image
of a leader with superior powers has the character of f‌iction, rather than fact.
Keywords
economic voting, election forecasting, 2020 US presidential election
The start of an American presidential election year turns a
spotlight on the question: Who will win the November
contest? Different popular forecasting approaches offer an-
swers, foremostly from polls, markets, or models. While all
these strategies rely for their accuracy on scientif‌ic tech-
niques, modeling rests on the classic tradition of theory
building and equation estimation. These structural models, as
they are sometimes called, argue that fundamental determi-
nants of voting behavior shape the electoral outcome. Vir-
tually always, the economy presents itself as one of these
fundamental causes. The pervasiveness of the economic
variable, e.g., economic growth, appears unsurprising, given
the intuitive appeal of the reward-punishment theory behind
it, namely, good economic performance delivers votes to the
presidents party, while bad economic performance delivers
votes to the opposition. The predictive power of the reward-
punishment explanation has often been taken as axiomatic,
something that all presidential candidates are subject to.
However, the exceptional character of Trumps candidacy,
and his presidency, cast doubt on the axiom. In 2016, did
Trump win despite a positive economy under Obama? In the
2018 congressional mid-terms, did Trump and the Repub-
licans gain more seats than expected? In 2020, did Trump
almostwin, by def‌lecting responsibility for the consider-
able economic damage accompanying COVID-19?
We examine the role of the economy in shaping the results
of these three contests, with an eye to seeing, ex ante, whether
Trump was punished too little or rewarded too much for
economic conditions heading into the elections. In other
words, with respect to the economy, was he able to escape
blame or magnify praise, because of his unique leadership
traits? Or did the vicissitudes of the economy impact upon
him pretty much as they have done on past presidential
candidates? We look f‌irst at economic and election data,
aggregate and individual, from the 2016 presidential election,
before turning to the 2018 congressional contests and, f‌inally,
to the 2020 presidential race. As we shall see, Trump, despite
the super-hero claims of himself and many followers, ex-
perienced economic reward or punishment to essentially the
same degree as past contenders. His extraordinary powers, in
this respect, then, remain mythical.
Trump is Different
Donald Trumpbroke so many political expectationsand norms
that it is hard to try to cataloguethem all. There were plenty of
media and political science examples that documented
Trumps differences. For example, he lied so often that The
Washington Post had to tally them and counted 30,573 lies
over four plus years (Kessler et al., 2021). Journalists call him
the real Tef‌lon Donas they marvel at his abilityto escape the
1
Department of Political Science, Hunter College & The Graduate Center,
New York, NY, USA
2
Department of Political Science, The University of Iowa, IA, USA
Corresponding Author:
Charles Tien, Department of Political Science, Hunter College, 695 Park
Avenue, New York, NY 10065, USA.
Email: ctien@hunter.cuny.edu

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