Economic Concentration and Economic Power: John Flynn and a Quarter-Century of Mergers

Date01 December 2011
DOI10.1177/0003603X1105600402
Published date01 December 2011
AuthorJames W. Brock
Subject MatterArticle
Economic concentration and
economic power: John Flynn and
a quarter-century of mergers
BYJAMES W. B ROCK*
The author traces merger, consolidation, and concentration trends in
a number of major American industries and sectors over the past
twenty-five years and examines a variety of their problematic
consequences in the light of Professor John Flynn’s work
emphasizing the danger of economic power in a democratic free-
enterprise society.
KEY WORDS: Mergers, economic concentration, economic power, industrial
organization.
The dominant theme pervading congressional consideration of the [1950
Celler-Kefauver merger law] amendments was a fear of what was consid-
ered to be a rising tide of economic concentration in the American econ-
omy . . . . Congress saw the process of concentration in American
business as a dynamic force; it sought to assure the [antitrust agencies]
and the courts the power to brake this force at the outset and before it
gathered momentum.
—Brown Shoe Co. v. United States,
370 U.S. 294, 315, 317–18 (1961)
Lettin’ the cat outta the bag is a whole lot easier’n puttin’ it back.
—Will Rogers
THE ANTITRUST BULLETIN:Vol. 56, No. 4/Winter 2011 :681
* Moeckel Professor of Economics, Miami University, Ohio.
© 2011 by Federal Legal Publications, Inc.
I. INTRODUCTION
Throughout his career Professor Flynn articulated an abiding concern
about the menace of economic concentration and the importance of
combating it with antitrust policy. The Sherman Act, he wrote, consti-
tutes “a prohibition of the accumulation of undue economic power or
the exercise of collective economic power in ways which deny con-
sumers the short- and long-term benefits of a competitive process and
which deny the rights of competitors to succeed or fail pursuant to a
competitive process.”1
Flynn assessed the debilitating impact of excessive concentration
on economic performance in such industries as steel and autos, point-
ing out that a number of American industries “that are in difficulty
have been characterized by substantial economic concentration dur-
ing the post-World War II period”; that this concentration allowed
dominant firms in these fields to “become inefficient, inflexible and
sloppy; that those firms were content with the status quo and inca-
pable of responding to changing circumstances and a new economic
environment”; and that as a consequence “the absence of competition
in those industries was dangerous” in a variety of important ways.2
He observed that enforcement of the antitrust laws to deconcentrate
those fields “may well have helped to avoid or at least have mini-
mized the economic and human costs we now are paying.”3He raised
the concern that concentration, excessive firm size “and the absence
of diversity of a society can be a distinct threat to creativity” by
undermining a nation’s technological progressivity.4In this vein he
warned against sacrificing “the competitive contribution of the small
on the altar of an unjustified presumption in favor of bigness.”5
682 :THE ANTITRUST BULLETIN:Vol. 56, No. 4/Winter 2011
1John J. Flynn, The Reagan Administration’s Antitrust Policy, “Original
Intent” and the Legislative History of the Sherman Act, 33 ANTITRUST BULL. 259,
306–07 (1988).
2John J. Flynn, “Reaganomics” and Antitrust Enforcement: A Jurispruden-
tial Critique, 1983 UTAH L. REV. 269, 301 (1983).
3Id. at 302.
4John J. Flynn, The Social, Political and Economic Consequences of Corpo-
rate Size, 2 J. CONTEMPORARY L. 163, 171 (1976).
5Flynn, supra note 2, at 302.
More broadly, Flynn emphasized that concentrated economic
power and its exertion in “interfering with individual economic free-
dom is just as objectionable as the unjustified exercise of government
power interfering with individual political freedom,”6and that for
this reason, corporate giantism should be considered as dangerous as
big government and big labor.7On all these grounds, he concluded
that the overarching objective of antitrust policy should be “insuring
the dispersion of economic power to protect legal, social and political
processes from economic power . . . .”8
II. MERGERS, CONSOLIDATION, AND CONCENTRATION
Over the past quarter-century, from 1985 through 2008, nearly
142,000 mergers and acquisitions were recorded in the American
economy, having a combined aggregate value of $13.4 trillion.9That
dollar amount is four and a half times greater than the $3 trillion of all
U.S. private spending on research and development over the same
period.10 It is approximately equal to all private nonresidential invest-
ment in plant and equipment in the United States during the years
1985 to 2001.11 Considered another way, it equals the combined value
of all the goods and services produced in the United States—the
nation’s entire gross domestic product—in 2006.12
In fact, announcements of massive, multibillion dollar mergers
have become so frequent and so commonplace as to be subsumed
within the daily deluge of information in an Internet age. But what do
these aggregate merger statistics mean? How have they affected the
structure of individual American industries? How have they altered
ECONOMIC CONCENTRATION :683
6Id.
7Flynn, supra note 4, at 183.
8Flynn, supra note 1, at 304.
9BUSINESS VALUATION RESOURCES, LLC, FACTSET MERGERSTAT REV. (vari-
ous years).
10 U.S. CENSUS BUREAU, STATISTICAL ABSTRACT OF THE UNITED STATES
51(2009).
11 2010 ECONOMIC REPORT OF THE PRESIDENT 352 (2010)
12 Id. at 328.

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