Does the Stringency of State Tax and Expenditure Limitations Discourage Political Manipulation in Fiscal Reserves?

Published date01 May 2021
AuthorSeeun Ryu,Inyoung Cho,Jiseul Kim
Date01 May 2021
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/puar.13306
Research Article
Does the Stringency of State Tax and Expenditure Limitations Discourage Political Manipulation in Fiscal Reserves? 375
Abstract: This article examines how state tax and expenditure limitations (TELs) affect the size of fiscal reserves
over election cycles. Using a panel data set of 47 U.S. states from 1986 to 2013, we find that the persistent
pattern of electoral cycles in general fund balances (GFBs) disappears in states with stricter TELs. Regarding a
budget stabilization fund balances (BSFs), the preelection and election downward effect diminishes and becomes
statistically insignificant while the postelection upward effect increases and becomes significant in states with
stricter TELs. Our findings reveal that the stringency of TELs not only eliminates electioneering’s impact on GFBs
but also coincides with increases in BSFs, particularly in postelection years. Consistent with the principal–agent
theory, politicians tend to use a budget stabilization fund (BSF) as a secondary saving account to circumvent
stronger TELs and save more BSFs after elections.
Evidence of Practice
Our promising finding is that the states with more stringent TELs spend less GFBs as elections approach.
The finding implies that the stricter TELs can discourage the political game with GFBs in preelection and
election years.
However, states with stricter TELs tend to save BSFs more than necessary after elections. This finding raises
a concern that politicians can avoid the restrictiveness of TELs and use a BSF as a secondary saving account,
reinforcing the existing ending balances for their electoral gain.
The attempt to reform current TELs to be more stringent can open another door for politicians to play with
BSFs. Hence, the states that plan to increase their TEL stringency should inform voters of its possible impact
on levels of BSFs. This helps voters choose politicians who do not use “gamesmanship.
Our research also suggests that the restrictive uses of BSFs can safeguard against opportunistic saving
behavior in postelection years. In our empirical results, states that adopted BSF with the withdrawal formula
have lower BSFs after elections than the states with more discretionary withdrawal rules.
Accumulating budget surpluses during periods
of economic expansion is vital to stabilizing
the economy and smoothing out fiscal shocks
of economic recession (Barro1979; Hou2013).
Also, surpluses saved during the expansion periods
generate additional benefits such as preventing future
cash flow problems, preparing for contingency needs,
and improving government credit ratings (Rose
and Smith2012). We argue that advocates of state
countercyclical policies overlook the rational election
behavior of leaders who use surpluses for their own
benefit.
The Pew Charitable Trusts ([PEW]2014) reports,
however, that only a handful of states had sufficient
fiscal reserves by the late 2010s and most states had
failed to tie their reserves to the forecasted revenue
volatility. PEW(2014) also reports that state leaders
did not consider revenue volatility when they had
to decide when and how much to save in reserves.
Instead, they simply transferred available surplus to
the reserve accounts at the end of every fiscal year.
This left the states unprepared to cope with the fiscal
stresses of the Great Recession of 2008. Hou(2013)
argues that if state governments need to smooth
financial operations, especially for lean years, the
governments should design and implement fiscal
policies to maintain sizable reserves.
Why do state leaders not implement precautionary
savings? Are precautionary savings difficult to
implement in practice? Political budget cycle
(PBC) theory argues that incumbents manipulate
state budgets to maximize a chance to win their
reelections by exploiting reserves during elections
(Nordhaus1975). According to the PBC theory,
incumbents tend to increase spending as their
elections approach and delay tax increases until
Does the Stringency of State Tax and Expenditure Limitations
Discourage Political Manipulation in Fiscal Reserves?
Seeun Ryu
Inyoung Cho
Jiseul Kim
Institute of Governmental Studies (IGS),
Korea University
National Assembly Futures Institute (NAFI)
Arkansas State University
Jiseul Kim is an assistant professor in the
Department of Political Science at Arkansas
State University. Her research is in the
areas of public budgeting and financial
management with emphasis on fiscal and
political institutions, capital budgeting and
management, and government accounting
and financial reporting.
Email: jikim@astate.edu
Inyoung Cho is an associate research
fellow at the National Assembly Futures
Institute (NAFI), South Korea. Her research
focuses on comparative political economy
of inequality and social policy, labor market
institutions, and public finance. She received
her doctoral degree in politics from the
University of Oxford.
Email: inyoung_cho@korea.ac.kr
Seeun Ryu is a research associate in
the Institute of Governmental Studies at
the Korea University. She holds a PhD in
public administration and policy from the
School of Public Affairs at the Arizona State
University. Her research is in the field of
public budgeting and financial management
with focus on taxation, revenue forecasting,
fiscal reserves, and fiscal institutions.
Email: senryu1206@gmail.com
Public Administration Review,
Vol. 81, Iss. 3, pp. 375–388. © 2020 by
The American Society for Public Administration.
DOI: 10.1111/puar.13306.

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