Does racial congruence between police agencies and communities reduce racialized police killings of civilians?
| Published date | 01 November 2021 |
| Author | Shytierra Gaston,Matthew J. Teti,Matheson Sanchez |
| Date | 01 November 2021 |
| DOI | http://doi.org/10.1111/1745-9133.12567 |
DOI: ./- .
ORIGINAL ARTICLE
Does racial congruence between police agencies
and communities reduce racialized police
killings of civilians?
Shytierra Gaston1Matthew J. Teti2Matheson Sanchez1
Department of Criminal Justice and
Criminology, Georgia State University,
Atlanta, Georgia, USA
School of Criminology and Criminal
Justice, Northeastern University, Boston,
Massachusetts, USA
Correspondence
ShytierraGaston, Department of Criminal
Justiceand Criminology, Georgia State
University,PO Box , Atlanta, GA
,USA.
Email:sgaston@gsu.edu.
Abstract
Research Summary: In response to highly publicized,
controversial police killings of Black Americans, poli-
cymakers and advocates have proposed several police
reforms, including a recurrent, decades-long demand
for police departments to diversify their forces to better
match the racial composition of the communities they
serve. We draw on a unique police agency-level dataset
comprising , local police agencies and regress mea-
sures of police killings of Black, Hispanic, and White
Americans from to onto racial congruence
ratios and other theoretically relevant predictors. The
results provide support for the hypothesis, revealing
a negative association between racial congruence and
police killings among Black and Hispanic victims.
Policy Implications: Our results suggest that for at
least some local police departments, increasing the
racial/ethnic representation of officers might lower
police killings of people of color. This implication offers
some optimism amid impassioned demands to decrease
police killings of Black Americans, specifically, and
reform policing.
KEYWORDS
fatal force,police organization, race and policing, racial disparities,
racial representation, violence
Criminology & Public Policy. ;:–. © American Society of Criminology 665wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/capp
666 GASTON .
Conflict between policeand communities of color—especially Black Americans—has endured
since the inception of U.S. policing. Though longstanding, this tension has commanded inter-
national attention in recent years due to a policing crisis stemming from a spate of high-profile
police killings of Black men, women, and children. These fatal force incidents have raised con-
cerns about whether officers administer their duties in a fair, reasonable, racially just manner as
well as aroused widespread public outcry and demands for police reform.
A recurrent demand for reform calls for agencies to diversifytheir White male- dominatedpolice
forces so that the racial composition of officers better reflects that of the communities they serve.
The underlying assumption is that such racial representation might help officers and residents
better relate to and trust one another and ultimately allay police–community tensions and racial-
ized policing. Indeed, police diversification was endorsed by President Obama’s Task Force on
st Century Policing in amid civil unrest following several controversial police killings of
Black civilians, including Officer Darren Wilson’s murder of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Mis-
souri in (President’s Task Force on st Century Policing, ). This endorsement echoed
recommendations by two major commissions nearly years earlier during another era marked
by civil unrest and contentious police–Black community relations. Sponsored by President John-
son, the President’s Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice ()and
the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders () both called for increased represen-
tation of Black Americans in law enforcement.
Despite being a popular and persistent recommended reform, the validity of whether racialcon-
gruence between police agencies and communities reduces racialized policing, especially fatal
force, remains inconclusive in the empirical literature. This knowledge gap is due to a paucity
of studies that examines this relationship directly and at the appropriate unit of analysis. Extant
understandings of the impact of police diversification largely stem from individual-level studies—
and a small number of city- or neighborhood-level studies—that examine the influence of officer
race on a range of policing outcomes and yield mixed findings. To date, the literature comprises
three agency-level studies (Holmes et al., ; Legewie & Fagan, ; Smith, ). All three
focused on fatal force that occurred sometime between and June and restricted their
samples to agencies in areas with populations with more than , residents. This restriction
resulted in sample sizes of up to and precluded understandings of racialized police killings
that occur in smaller jurisdictions. Moreover, some of these studies excluded Hispanic officers
and victims (Legewie & Fagan, ; Smith, ) or relied on the FBI’s Supplemental Homicide
Reports (SHR) data on “felons killed by police” (Holmes et al., ; Smith, ), a source that
has been critiqued as unreliable in research on fatal force (Campbell et al., ; Loftin et al., ;
Williams et al., ). Importantly, findings from the three studies are mixed, as we later detail,
requiring further investigation into this policy-relevant topic. The current study, therefore, con-
stitutes an additional analysis that adds to this growing literature by employing recently available
crowdsourced data to study racialized police killings from to —a period that includes
the “post-Ferguson” era of policing—among a broader sample of agencies. Police agencies are
a critical unit of analysis because policing patterns, including fatal force, stem from organiza-
tional structure, policies, culture, and practices—along with community structural factors. Find-
ings from studies at the micro level or other units might be unable to inform agency-level research
questions, which can result in an aggregation bias and drawing incorrect ecological inferences.
The current study aims to fill empirical gaps and investigate a deeply held assumption that
underlies decades-long demands to diversify police forces. Specifically, our analysis tests the
hypothesis that racial congruence between police agencies and communities decreases racialized
fatal force by police. Toassess these macrolevel, organizational contextual processes, we develop a
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