Does Adherence to Masculine Norms Shape Fathering Behavior?
| Author | Lee Essig,Richard J. Petts,Kevin M. Shafer |
| Published date | 01 June 2018 |
| Date | 01 June 2018 |
| DOI | http://doi.org/10.1111/jomf.12476 |
R J. P Ball State University
K M. S Brigham Young University∗
L E Brigham Young University∗∗
Does Adherence to Masculine Norms Shape
Fathering Behavior?
Research suggests that many fathers struggle
balancing hegemonic masculine norms with
new fatherhood ideals. This study uses data on
2,194 fathers from a national study on fathers
of children aged 2 to 18 and incorporates a
comprehensive assessment of masculine norms
to examine whether adherence to masculine
norms is associated with father involvement and
whether this relationship is mediated by fathers’
adherence to the new fatherhood ideal that
promotes engaged, nurturing parenting. Results
suggest that fathers who more closely adhere
to masculine norms are less involved in instru-
mental and expressive parenting and are more
likely to engage in harsh discipline than fathers
who are less masculine. Adherence to masculine
norms also reduces the likelihood of embracing
the new fatherhood ideal, and adherence to the
new fatherhood ideal at least partially mediates
the relationship between masculinity and father
involvement. Overall, despite changing expec-
tations for fathers, hegemonic masculine norms
continue to shape fathers’ behavior.
Department of Sociology, Ball State University, 222 North
Quad, Muncie, IN 47306 (rjpetts@bsu.edu).
∗Department of Sociology, Brigham Young University,
2019 Joseph F. Smith Building, Provo,UT 84602.
∗∗School of Family Life, Brigham Young University, 2086
Joseph F. Smith Building, Provo,UT 84602.
Key Words: father–child relations, fatherhood, fathers,
gender,parental investment/involvement.
During the past several decades, American
fatherhood has been dramatically changed due
to shifting paternal expectations and behaviors
(Bianchi, Robinson, & Milkie, 2006; Galinsky,
Aumann, & Bond, 2011). Although tradi-
tional fatherhood emphasizes the breadwinner
role, the new fatherhood ideal has expanded
paternal roles to include active engagement
in children’s lives (Marsiglio & Roy, 2012).
As a result, fathers spend more time parenting
children than ever before—although gender
differences in parenting persist (Bianchi et al.,
2006). The shifting expectations and behaviors
around fatherhood have seemingly beneted
children, who tend to be healthier, happier, have
fewer behavioral problems, and do better in
school when they have highly involved fathers
(Amato & Rivera, 1999; Lamb, 2010; Sarkadi,
Kristiansson, Oberklaid, & Bremberg, 2008).
Accordingly, scholars have turned their atten-
tion to factors that may promote greater paternal
engagement.
Although fatherhood has changed in the
United States, the expectations of fatherhood
remain rooted in a traditional gendered division
of labor reinforced by hegemonic masculinity.
That is, the primary expectations for fathers
reect dominant masculine norms such as
providing and lack of emotional expression
(Connell, 1995). Yet men increasingly embrace
the new fatherhood ideal, which emphasizes
roles more traditionally aligned with mater-
nal parenting expectations, such as caregiving
704 Journal of Marriage and Family 80 (June 2018): 704–720
DOI:10.1111/jomf.12476
Masculinity and Father Involvement 705
(Marsiglio & Roy, 2012; Townsend, 2002).
The desire to adhere to alternative ways of
fathering that can contradict prevailing norms of
masculinity has created a “new male mystique”
where men often struggle to meet both tradi-
tional and contemporary fathering expectations
(Aumann, Galinsky, & Matos, 2011; Davis &
Greenstein, 2009). As such, it is important to
understand how men develop their attitudes and
behaviors as fathers (Pleck, 2010).
To date, however, research on the relation-
ship between adherence to masculine norms
and fathering has yielded mixed results, which
may be due in part to the fact that many studies
use measures of masculinity that do not fully
capture hegemonic masculine norms (Bulanda,
2004; Davis & Greenstein, 2009; Hofferth &
Goldscheider, 2010; Pleck, 2010; Stykes, 2015).
As such, we know relatively little about the
relationship between adherence to masculine
norms, fathering attitudes, and fathering behav-
iors. Using a national sample of fathers with
children ages 2 to 18 years, we address this
question and extend the literature in three key
ways. First, we use a multidimensional and
more comprehensive indicator of masculinity
than used in prior studies. Second, we consider
whether masculine norm adherence inuences
fathering in different ways by including numer-
ous instrumental and expressive parenting
behaviors as outcomes. Third, we consider
whether adherence to traditional masculine
norms and the new fatherhood ideal may be
used to develop competing or complementary
identities that shape the ways in which men
parent. In particular, we assess whether the
relationship between masculinity and father
involvement may be mediated by the degree to
which men embrace the new fatherhood ideal.
C F
Father Involvement
Contemporary fatherhood is characterized by
the expectation that men should be highly
involved in parenting, contribute signicant
time to housework, and be an engaged and
equitable spouse, partner, or coparent (Ger-
son, 2010)—what has been termed the new
fatherhood ideal. To this end, men are more
engaged with their families than ever before.
Recent estimates show that American mothers
and fathers, on average, work nearly the same
number of hours per week in paid work, house-
work, and child care collectively (Pew Research
Center, 2013). Yet gender gaps in time spent on
child care and household tasks remain; women
spend about 33 hours per week doing house-
work or engaging in direct care of children,
whereas men average only 16 hours (Parker &
Livingston, 2017). There are also variations in
father involvement by relationship and resident
status (Berger, Carlson, Bzostek, & Osborne,
2008; Jones & Mosher, 2013). Although societal
pressures, political and institutional barriers,
and gender expectations often prevent men from
their ideal levels of involvement (Daly, 1996),
more fathers report that emotional availabil-
ity, family time, and father–child bonding are
important today than in previous generations
(McGill, 2014).
Because contemporary fatherhood consists of
various roles and expectations, scholars typi-
cally use multidimensional constructs of father
involvement. One prominent model of father
involvementincludes the following three dimen-
sions: (a) engagement through caregiving, play,
and including children in routine activities; (b)
emotional, social, and psychological availabil-
ity to children; and (c) responsible parenting
by providing necessities for the care and devel-
opment of children (Lamb, Pleck, Charnov, &
Levine, 1985). Recently, Pleck (2010, 2012)
introduced a ve-dimension model consisting of
positive engagement with the child, warm par-
enting behaviors such as hugging and praise,
awareness of children’s activities and commu-
nication (monitoring), indirect care (engaging
in activities that are for the child but not with
the child, such as advocating for the child and
scheduling child activities), and ensuring that
children’s needs are met.
Despite the strengths of these models, many
studies only focus on a narrow set of these
behaviors (primarily engagement; Finley &
Schwartz, 2004; Pleck, 2010). The current study
builds on these theories of father involvement
to focus on multiple aspects of instrumental
parenting (engagement, monitoring, and harsh
discipline) and expressive parenting (warmth
and emotional support; Finley & Schwartz,
2004). Given that paternal involvement in
expressive parenting is particularly understud-
ied and may vary by how men view their role
as parents (i.e., embracing traditional norms or
the new fatherhood ideal), this approach allows
for an assessment of how fathering attitudes
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