“‘Do This! Do That!’ and Nothing Will Happen”

DOI10.1177/1532673X14534062
AuthorJoshua B. Kennedy
Date01 January 2015
Published date01 January 2015
Subject MatterArticles
American Politics Research
2015, Vol. 43(1) 59 –82
© The Author(s) 2014
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DOI: 10.1177/1532673X14534062
apr.sagepub.com
Article
“‘Do This! Do That!’
and Nothing Will
Happen”: Executive
Orders and Bureaucratic
Responsiveness
Joshua B. Kennedy1
Abstract
How effective is unilateral presidential power? Recent developments have
shifted presidential scholarship in the direction of a more institutional
approach, and one of the most important tenets of this work holds that
the president has the ability to make policy on his own. However, there
is significant anecdotal evidence suggesting that agency responsiveness to
executive orders is not at all guaranteed. This study leverages a unique data
set tracing the implementation of executive orders across 10 government
agencies, and the results indicate that despite conventional wisdom,
presidential directives are not universally implemented, and a host of factors
come to bear on an agency’s decision as to whether they will respond. This
project represents among the first quantitative empirical assessments of the
utility of unilateral power and suggests that the field may benefit most from
shifting toward a bargaining-based model similar to those used in legislative
scholarship.
Keywords
presidency, bureaucracy, executive orders, unilateral powers
1University of Colorado Boulder, USA
Corresponding Author:
Joshua B. Kennedy, Department of Political Science, Georgia Southern University, P.O. Box
8101, Statesboro, GA 30460, USA.
Email: joshuakennedy@georgiasouthern.edu
534062APRXXX10.1177/1532673X14534062American Politics ResearchKennedy
research-article2014
60 American Politics Research 43(1)
Introduction
In the early summer of 2013, President Barack Obama offered stern words1
for those who would resist new initiatives to address climate change: “We
don’t have time for a meeting of the Flat Earth Society,” the president said.
“Sticking your head in the sand might make you feel safer, but it’s not going
to protect you from the coming storm.” Several months earlier, in the first
State of the Union Address of his second term, Obama (2013) made clear that
he was not reluctant to take executive action:
. . . if Congress won’t act soon to protect future generations, I will. I will direct
my Cabinet to come up with executive actions we can take, now and in the
future, to reduce pollution, prepare our communities for the consequences of
climate change, and speed the transition to more sustainable sources of energy.
These were not empty words; in June, the Obama Administration unveiled
The President’s Climate Action Plan,2 a multi-faceted document that includes
various steps, among them, unilateral executive action, to deal with climate
change.
The story is not an unfamiliar one; a president, facing a stubborn Congress,
decides to use the powers of the executive to affect change that legislators are
apparently unwilling to accept. Richard Nixon (1978), as “the first President
in 120 years to begin his term with both houses of Congress controlled by the
opposition party” (p. 414), took extensive steps to establish greater control of
the bureaucratic process to push his agenda, although with decidedly mixed
results (e.g., Campbell, 2005; Lewis, 2008). Facing serious opposition to his
approach to apartheid in South Africa, Ronald Reagan circumvented Congress
with an executive order designed to outflank legislative attempts at more
drastic sanctions against that nation (e.g., Howell, 2003). When Republicans
claimed control of Congress during Democrat Bill Clinton’s tenure, one of
Clinton’s advisors, Paul Begala, indicated that the president was more than
willing to take action on his own: “‘Stroke of the Pen . . . Law of the Land.
Kind of cool’” (as cited in Mayer, 2001, p. 7), Begala said. The picture
painted is often the same: a bold leader taking decisive action in the face of
an obstructionist, non-responsive Congress. The exercise of unilateral power
has led to a dramatic increase in the study of the institutional capacities of the
presidency, and may signal a shift in the study of executive politics.
But the increased attention paid to the politics of the unilateral presidency
rests on a central foundation that, to this point, presidential scholars have not
adequately established. The concern about unilateral power is self-evident:
Should one individual have the ability to essentially direct the bureaucracy at
his or her command? Numerous scholars have waded into this normative

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