Division of Marital Property at Dissolution

Pages115-143
AuthorWalter Wadlington,Raymond C. O'Brien,Robin Fretwell Wilson
115
Chapter 6
DIVISION OF MARITAL PROPERTY
AT DISSOLUTION
I. Historical Perspective
Prior to the introduction of no-fault divorce, the focus of
matrimonial litigation was on establishing a valid fault groun d that
warranted divorce and the n conte nding with the common law
defenses to that ground. When no-fault divorce became available,
divorce litigation shifted to tandem issues such as the division of
marital property, what constitutes marital pr operty, and the
purposes and length of spousal support, if any, upon dissolution. Of
course, as we will discuss in later chapters, child custody and child
support remain litigious.
Economic support for children, which is discussed in Chapter 8,
differs significantly from the division of marital property and spousal
support. Child support begins with statutory guidelines established
by law, resulting in objective and uniform awards, while property
dissolution and alimony awards are generally resolved without the
assistance of a mathematical formula. Instead, courts in common law
states utilize a list of factors to achieve an equitable distribution, and
in a handful of community property states, the presumption is an
equal division of all property that can be classified as community
assets. As a result, the economic parts of the divorce process are rife
with litigation.
As discussed in previous chapters, American society has
changed. Certain developments have impacted the statutory and
common law approaches to dividing marital pro perty and
determining supp ort obligations. First, gender is no longer an
appropriate basis upon which to base any support obligation. Prior to
state and fede ral constitutional litigatio n promoting equal
protection, men were responsible for support both during marriage
and upon divorce. Only the marital fault of the female spouse could
dissipate or eradicate this support obligation. In prior times, in
almost every situation, the fe male spouse was entitled to support
after the marriage dissolved until she died or remarried. It did not
matter how long the marriage lasted; the husband was ob ligated to
provide support. The obligation of the husband could not be waived
through a valid premarital agreement, since such agreeme nts were
contrary to public policy, viewed as promoting divorce or as an abuse
of a confidential relationship. As society progressed, the law began to
follow suit.
116
DIVISION OF MARITAL PROPERTY
AT DISSOLUTION
Ch. 6
In 1979, an Alabama statute requiring only men to pay marital
support was struck by the United States Supreme Court as a
violation of Equal Protection.
1
The Court reversed centuries of using
a “baggage of sexual stereotypes,” and admitted that “needy male s
could be helped along with needy females with little if any additional
burden on the State.”
2
With greater access to employment, spousal
support shifted from long-term to temporary spousal support for
education and job training for an unemployed ex-spouse.
3
Despite strides made by women in the workplace, women and
children are often poorer after a divorce, although not to the degree
once believed.
4
Furthermore, while no-fault divo rce made divorce a
unilateral option for spouses, economic disadvantages to female
spouses arose from changes in the law governing spousal support and
property division.
5
Women were now e xpected to be self-sufficient,
even though in many cases they remained mothers and homemakers.
Many argue that reimburseme nt and rehabilitation alimony do not
adequately address the economic cost of caring for and rai sing a
child, a cost that mothers disproportionately shoulder. Nonetheless,
the fact remains that modern law reflects the view that the marr ied
couple consists of two equal economic partners, creating economic
expectations and re sponsibilities fo r both. Where property division
and alimony are not responsive to the reality of greater burdens
borne by one spouse or another, the only remedy for inequity must
come from the contractual negotiations initiated by the married
couple but most often resolved in the equity factors listed in common
law statutes guiding property division and support.
6
A second development within modern law is serial marriage;
persons sometimes marry multiple times. A subsequent marriage
jeopardizes an obligor’s inclination and ability to meet the support
requirements of the prior family, by stretching resources over
additional children or e x-spouses. While marriage is not necessarily
a condition precedent for the birth of a later child, the intent to create
1
Orr v. Orr, 440 U.S. 268 (1979).
2
Id. at 281.
3
Deborah Dinner, The Divorce Bargain: The Fathers’ Rights Movement and
Family Inequalities, 102 VA. L. REV. 79, 111 (2016).
4
LENORE WEITZMAN, THE DIVORCE REVOLUTION: THE UNEXPECTED SOCIAL AND
ECONOMIC CONSEQUENCES FOR WOMEN AND CHILDREN IN AMERICA 339 (1985). See
also Lois J. Liberman, Post-Divorce: Wrapping Up and Moving On With Your Life, 42
FAM. ADVOCATE 32 (2019); Erez Aloni, The Marital Wealth Gap, 93 WASH. L. REV. 1
(2018).
5
MARSHA GARRISON, THE ECONOMIC OF DIVORCE: CHANGING RULES, CHANGING
RESULTS IN DIVORCE REFORM AT THE CROSSROADS 1 (S. Sugarman & H. Kay eds.,
1990).
6
See Allison Tait, Trusting Marriage, 10 U.C. IRVINE L. REV. 199, 209 (2019);
A.L.I., PRINCIPLES OF THE LAW OF FAMILY DISSOLUTION: ANALYSIS AND
RECOMMENDATIONS § 4:09. REPORTERS NOTES, Comment a (2000).

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