Disputatiousness and the Offender–Victim Overlap

Published date01 May 2018
AuthorMark T. Berg,Ethan M. Rogers,Andrew Krajewski,Richard B. Felson
DOI10.1177/0022427817744594
Date01 May 2018
Subject MatterArticles
Article
Disputatiousness
and the Offender–
Victim Overlap
Richard B. Felson
1
, Mark T. Berg
2
,
Ethan M. Rogers
2
, and Andrew Krajewski
1
Abstract
Objectives: We examine whether offenders are at greater risk of violent
victimization than non-offenders because of their disputatiousness; that is,
their tendency to become involved in verbal conflicts. We also examine
whether offenders are more disputatious because of their low self-control,
alcohol use, and honor-based attitudes and whether disputatiousness can
explain the effects of these individual differences on violent victimization.
Method: A series of regression models examine self-reported data from 503
male inmates and 220 men (N¼723) they know from the community who
have never been arrested. Results: Disputatiousness accounts for a substan-
tial portion of the relationship between victimization and offending (i.e.,
inmate status). Disputatiousness also mediates the relationships between
victimization and frequent intoxication, low self-control, and honor-based
attitudes. Low self-control and heavy alcohol use account for a substantial
portion of the relationship between offending and disputatiousness. Dispu-
tatiousness and victimiza tion are associated with a h istory of assaultive
1
Department of Sociology and Criminology, Pennsylvania State University, University Park,
PA, USA
2
Department of Sociology, University of Iowa Public Policy Center, University of Iowa, Iowa
City, IA, USA
Corresponding Author:
Mark T. Berg, University of Iowa, W126 Seashore Hall, Iowa City, IA 52240, USA.
Email: mark-berg@uiowa.edu
Journal of Research in Crime and
Delinquency
2018, Vol. 55(3) 351-389
ªThe Author(s) 2017
Reprints and permission:
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DOI: 10.1177/0022427817744594
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offenses but not a history of robbery. Conclusions: The tendency to become
involved in verbal conflicts can partly explain high victimization rates among
male offenders, and among men who lack self-control, are frequently intoxi-
cated, and have strong concerns about protecting their honor.
Keywords
violence, victim–offender overlap, street code, victimization, social
interactionist theory
Research has shown that offenders tend to have higher rates of victimization
than nonoffenders. The strong association between offending and victimiza-
tion—known as the offender–victim overlap—is among the most consistent
findingsin the criminological literature (Schreck, Stewart,and Osgood 2008).
The relationship has been attributed to low self-control, social bonds, honor-
based attitudes, and the routine activities and peer associations of offenders.
Most research focuses on these and other processes that increase the risk of
victimization by bringing offenders into contact with others involved in crim-
inal behavior. Researchsuggests, however,that these processes donot explain
a large portion of the association between offending and victimization. As a
result, Lauritsen and Laub (2007) have suggested that researchers should
consider alternative explanations for the overlap (see also Berg 2012).
In response to this call, Berg and Felson (2016) proposed a social psy-
chological explanation of the offender–victim overlap that emphasizes
social interaction between adversaries and the importance of interpersonal
conflict and escalation. They hypothesize that offenders are more likely to
become victims because of their tendency to become involved in verbal
disputes and to behave in ways that cause their disputes to escalate. Since
assaultive violence typically occurs during verbal disputes, individuals who
are frequently involved in disputes are more likely to become victims and
offenders in violent encounters.
In this research, we draw on Berg and Felson’s (2016) social interac-
tionist approach to examine whether offenders are at greater risk of violent
victimization than nonoffenders because of their tendency to be involved in
verbal disputes. We use the word “disputatiousness” as a shorthand, general
descriptor of that tendency.
1
Our main interest is in determining the extent
to which disputatiousness explains the offender–victim overlap. We also
examine why offenders tend to be disputatious, focusing on three individual
characteristics with well-established relationships to violent offending: self-
352 Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency 55(3)
control, alcohol use, and honor-based attitudes. These characteristics may
have an indirect effect on victimization if they affect disputatiousness. In
addition, disputatiousness may mediate the effect of these characteristics on
victimization. Finally, we examine whether the offender–victim overlap is
stronger among respondents who have committed dispute-related violence
(i.e., most homicides and assaults) than for those who have committed
predatory violence (i.e., most robberies). If the former is stronger, this will
provide additional evidence that disputatiousness is an important source of
the overlap. We also examine whether offending, generally, is related to
victimization.
To examine these issues, we use data we collected from a sample of male
inmates and men they knew from the community who had never been
arrested. The respondent’s status as an inmate or community contact serves
as our main measure of offending. Our comparison of inmates and their
social contacts addresses Lauritsen and Laub’s (2007) concern that most
studies of the overlap are based on data from self-report surveys of the
general population. They claim that these surveys capture an insufficient
number of serious violent incidents making it difficult to identify the
mechanisms responsible for the overlap. In a supplementary analysis, we
substitute a measure of self-reported violence for inmate status as a measure
of offending.
Verbal Disputes and the Overlap
Berg and Felson (2016) maintain that individual differences in involvement
in interpersonal conflicts are important for explaining why offenders have
higher rates of victimization than nonoffenders. This assumption is based
on the fact that most homicides and assaults stem from verbal disputes (e.g.,
Berg 2012; Felson and Steadman 1983; Luckenbill and Doyle 1989). These
disputes usually begin when an ind ividual expresses a grievance to th e
insulting party. The grievance is followed by a verbal conflict in which
insults and threats are exchanged (e.g., Luckenbill 1977). The conflict
escalates, culminating in a physical attack by one or both antagonists. This
general pattern of escalation is observed regardless of whether the provoca-
tion underlying the conflict is trivial or imagined and regardless of whether
or not there is a clear offender and victim.
Situations that increase the likelihood of verbal disputes therefore
increase the risk of both violent offending and victimization. For example,
marital problems, conflicting economic interests, and poor role perfor-
mance are conducive to interpersonal violence because they often lead to
Felson et al. 353

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