Disconnecting labour: The impact of intraplatform algorithmic changes on the labour process and workers' capacity to organise collectively

Published date01 March 2023
AuthorPedro Mendonça,Nadia K. Kougiannou
Date01 March 2023
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/ntwe.12251
Received: 16 June 2021
|
Accepted: 20 June 2022
DOI: 10.1111/ntwe.12251
RESEARCH ARTICLE
Disconnecting labour: The impact of
intraplatform algorithmic changes on the
labour process and workers' capacity to
organise collectively
Pedro Mendonça
1
|Nadia K. Kougiannou
2
1
Edinburgh Napier University, the
Business School, Edinburgh, UK
2
Nottingham Trent University,
Nottingham Business School,
Nottingham, UK
Correspondence
Pedro Mendonça, Edinburgh Napier
University, the Business School,
Craiglockhart Campus, 219 Colinton Rd,
Edinburgh EH14 1DJ, UK.
Email: p.mendonca@napier.ac.uk
Abstract
This article examines how gig economy platform
companies, via algorithmic management, shape working
conditions and collective organisation of food delivery
couriers. Using qualitative data from one case study
operating in a city in the United Kingdom, the study
captures real‐time intraplatform unilateral changes in
algorithmic management to provide increased flexibility
for couriers. Findings show algorithmic changes generat-
ing a reconfigured, fragmented and compliant workforce.
As a result, couriers demonstrate different interests and
motivations to work for the company, where disparities
in the demands for improved working conditions
hindered efforts for collective organising. This article
argues that intraplatform algorithmic changes create
affordances that companies can exploit to concentrate
power over labour even when conceding some control
over the labour process.
KEYWORDS
algorithmic management, collective organising, gig economy,
labour process, platform work
New Technol Work Employ. 2023;38:1–20. wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/ntwe
|
1
This is an open access article under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits use, distribution and
reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
© 2022 The Authors. New Technology, Work and Employment published by Brian Towers (BRITOW) and John Wiley & Sons Ltd.
INTRODUCTION
The gig economy has become increasingly prevalent in contemporary societies and has
generated considerable scholarly and policy debate (De Stefano, 2016; Griesbach et al., 2019;
Taylor et al., 2017; Woodcock, 2016). The gig economy is broadly defined as people using digital
platforms to sell their labour (Taylor et al., 2017). A platform and algorithm mediate the
capital–labour relationship by controlling worker supply and consumer demand to complete a
small task or ‘gig’(Gandini, 2019). Research has categorised the different types of gig work (see
De Stefano, 2016). This article is particularly concerned with local gig work used to deliver food
that is mediated via platforms and algorithms. Food‐delivery gig work has been characterised as
the ‘last mile of delivery’. Its coordination and cost‐effectiveness, attained via platforms and
algorithms, is key to gaining a competitive advantage (Heiland, 2021).
Recent theoretical accounts have argued that gig economy platform companies constitute a
new governance mechanism for conducting economic transactions (Vallas & Schor, 2020).
Platforms, seen as permissive potentates, rely on technological infrastructure, information
asymmetries and flexible employment to concede some control, but retain most power over the
labour process (Gandini, 2019; Vallas & Schor, 2020). Notably, studies have explored the use of
algorithmic management to examine its impact on reducing indeterminacy of work (Cant,
2019), workers' experiences (Griesbach et al., 2019), autonomy (Shapiro, 2018,2020) and
collective and individual agency (Kougiannou & Mendonça, 2021; Tassinari & Maccarrone,
2020; Veen et al., 2020; Wood & Lehdonvirta, 2021; Wood et al., 2018). Studies have also
examined how the compounded effect between technological control and flexible forms of
employment impact workers' experiences and working conditions (Gregory, 2020; Ivanova
et al., 2018). Finally, some authors explored these dynamics across different gig economy
platform companies and their different impacts on working conditions and workers' capacity to
collectively organise (Griesbach et al., 2019; Ivanova et al., 2018; Tassinari & Maccarrone, 2020;
Veen et al., 2020).
However, less attention has been paid to how intraplatform changes in algorithmic control
(i.e., algorithmic changes that occur within the same digital platform, in opposition to those
observed across digital platforms) influence workers' experiences of the labour process and
impact the collective organisation. By addressing this gap and complementing the growing
research in this area, this article contributes to new knowledge empirically and theoretically.
Empirically, by examining the processes of intraplatform algorithmic management changes and
how these shape labour and the labour process in real‐time. Theoretically, first by furthering
our understanding of gig economy platform companies as permissive potentates where some
control over the labour process is conceded while power remains centralised. Second, by
examining how gig economy platform companies exploit affordances of unilateral algorithmic
changes and their implications for labour and the labour process. Third, by exploring the
significance it has for workers' collective organisation. In so doing, this article asks: how
intraplatform changes in algorithmic management impact couriers' experiences of the labour
process; and how these technological‐workplace dynamics shape couriers' capacity to organise
collectively.
To address these questions, this study investigates two processes through which the gig
economy structures capital–labour relations. First, it intersects labour process theory (LPT)
with the conceptualisation of platforms as permissive potentates to explore the interplay
between algorithmic management strategies, labour process control and its impacts on working
conditions and workers' experiences (Gandini, 2019; Vallas & Schor, 2020; Veen et al., 2020).
2
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