A Different Kind of Representation: Black and Latino Descriptive Representation and the Role of Ideological Cuing

AuthorRodney E. Hero,Robert R. Preuhs
Date01 March 2011
Published date01 March 2011
DOI10.1177/1065912909346739
Subject MatterArticles
Political Research Quarterly
64(1) 157 –171
© 2011 University of Utah
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DOI: 10.1177/1065912909346739
http://prq.sagepub.com
A Different Kind of Representation: Black
and Latino Descriptive Representation
and the Role of Ideological Cuing
Robert R. Preuhs1 and Rodney E. Hero2
Abstract
Most scholarship on minority descriptive representation focuses on whether minority legislators are “more” supportive
of minority concerns than white legislators but does not address how descriptive representatives differ in the use of
decision-making cues when advocating for minority interests. Drawing on data from four Congresses and comparing
two sets of minority group representatives with their white counterpar ts and each other, the authors show that an
important effect of descriptive representation is that racial/ethnic minority representatives are uniquely influenced
in their advocacy of minority interests by cues that stand apart from the conventional liberal/conservative political
ideological frame.
Keywords
Congress, descriptive representation, black politics, Latino politics
Representation is a fundamental concern in democratic
polities (Pitkin 1967), and descriptive and substantive
representation are especially significant in racially and
ethnically diverse societies (Mansbridge 1999). The
potential value of minority descriptive representation, or
the election of representatives who share the racial or
ethnic background of their constituents, is that these offi-
cials will not only look different from but also act
differently than nonminority representatives and, thus,
presumably be stronger advocates for minority concerns.
This difference between racial and ethnic minority versus
nonminority legislators is ostensibly driven by shared
experiences that are unique and particularly important to
minority groups.
In this vein, Mansbridge (1999) and others argue that
the value of descriptive representation is most pro-
nounced as these shared experiences lead to the
identification and advocacy of issues that are important
to minority group members but are uncrystallized in
dominant political discourse and/or by dominant social
groups. Descriptive representation matters, then, not only
or primarily as a means to ensure “more” or “less” advo-
cacy of issues that are already addressed in major political
cleavages but also in how representatives approach public
policy decisions and the cues employed as their represen-
tatives advocate for minority interests.
This conception of the importance and potential conse-
quences of descriptive representation underlies the
theoretical assumptions of a growing body of research. Yet,
congressional-level analyses of the effects of descriptive
representation almost universally employ research designs
that do not capture the uniqueness of descriptive representa-
tion as conceived by Mansbridge (1999) and others
(cf. Canon 1999; Grofman, Handley, and Niemi 1992).
Rather, the current literature generally examines the effects
of descriptive representatives by employing broad indica-
tors of ideology such as NOMINATE scores (Poole and
Rosenthal 1997; McCarty, Poole, and Rosenthal 2006)
or indicators of minority advocacy group ratings, such as
Leadership Council on Civil Rights (LCCR) scores or
National Association for the Advancement of Colored
People (NAACP) scores, as dependent variables and esti-
mates the difference between minority legislators and
nonminority legislators.1 In short, much of the current state
1Metropolitan State College of Denver, Denver, CO, USA
2University of Notre Dame, Notre Dame, IN, USA
Corresponding Author:
Robert R. Preuhs, Department of Political Science, Metropolitan State
College of Denver, Campus Box 43, PO Box 173362, Denver, CO
80217-3362, USA; phone: (303) 556-4523; fax: (303) 556-2716
E-mail: rpreuhs@mscd.edu

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