Differences in Social Media Monitoring Practices Based on Child and Parent Gender

• Published date: 01 December 2021
• Author: Lacey N. Wallace
• Date: 01 December 2021
• DOI: http://doi.org/10.1111/fare.12568

L N. WPenn State Altoona

Differences in Social Media Monitoring Practices

Based on Child and Parent Gender

Objective: This study investigated two research

questions. First, how do parents monitor and

regulateadolescent use of social media? Second,

how do parental monitoring practices vary by

adolescent and parent gender?

Background: Smart phones and Internet access

are nearly universal among U.S.adolescents, yet

most past research on online parental monitor-

ing examined Internet use generally without a

focus on social media.

Method: Data were obtained in 2019 with a web

survey with items addressing parent and adoles-

cent use of social media, parental monitoring of

social media use, and parents’ perceptionsof the

impact of social media on adolescents. Respon-

dents were a state-representative sample of 389

Pennsylvania parents with an adolescent aged

12 to 17 years in their household.

Results: Mothers more frequently talked with

their adolescent children about social media

than fathers, and mothers were more likely

to report consequences for breaking house-

hold rules about social media use. Mothers

used more intrusive monitoring strategies than

fathers. Parents were more likely to ask daugh-

ters about social media use than sons. Parents

monitored social media use of opposite gender

adolescents less frequently.

Conclusions: Results suggest strong differ-

ences in social media monitoring by parent and

Department of Criminal Justice, 101G Cypress Building,

3000 Ivyside Park, Altoona, PA16601 (LNO106@psu.edu).

Key Words: gender, Internet use, parental monitoring,

parenting, social media.

adolescent gender but in directions that do not

necessarily align with the parental monitoring

literature more broadly. Heavy use of more

intrusive practices in the sample may indicate

problems with trust or parental concern with

adolescent self-disclosure.

In 2015, about three quarters of U.S. adoles-

cents aged 13 to 17 years reported that they

owned or had regular access to a smartphone

(Lenhart, 2015). Since then, adolescent smart-

phone access has become nearly universal

(Anderson & Jiang, 2018). This growth has

facilitated teen engagement with a variety of

online tools and platforms, including social

media. Almost half of adolescents (45%) in

2018 reported that they were online constantly,

with higher rates of use by adolescent girls

(Anderson & Jiang, 2018). While denitions

vary widely, the term social media is used here

to refer to websites and applications (apps) that

enable users to participate in social networking

as well as share and post content online. About

half (51%) of adolescents in 2018 reported

using Facebook while many more used Insta-

gram (72%), Snapchat (69%), or YouTube

(85%).

Heavy use of social media is associated

with poorer mental health and relationships,

as well as involvement in risky behavior. Past

research found that the number of social media

websites used by those ages 13 to 24years was

positively correlated with depression, anxiety,

and loneliness (Barry et al., 2017). Adolescents

themselves reported concerns with bullying,

peer pressure, mental health, and unhealthy

1412Family Relations 70 (December 2021): 1412–1426

DOI:10.1111/fare.12568