Deterrence and the Impact of Calculative Thinking on Business Compliance with Competition and Consumer Regulation

AuthorChristine Parker,Vibeke Lehmann Nielsen
Published date01 June 2011
DOI10.1177/0003603X1105600207
Date01 June 2011
Subject MatterArticle
Deterrence and the impact of
calculative thinking on business
compliance with competition
and consumer regulation
BYCHRISTINE PARKER*AND
VIBEKE LEHMANN NIELSEN**
A number of countries, including Australia, have recently drastically
increased the sanctions available for cartel conduct, on the assump-
tion that businesses make decisions about their regulatory compli-
ance behavior on the basis of self-interested calculations about the
costs and gains of that behavior. Policymakers often assume that
higher sanctions will automatically mean greater deterrence and
therefore more compliance. This article sets out a more holistic model
of calculative thinking about the costs and gains of compliance and
noncompliance. We go on to test this model using data about busi-
ness firms’ compliance management responses to Australia’s compe-
tition and consumer protection law. We find that enforcement
THE ANTITRUST BULLETIN:Vol. 56, No. 2/Summer 2011 :377
*Professor, Law School, University of Melbourne, VIC 3010, Australia.
** Associate Professor, Political Science, University of Aarhus, Denmark.
AUTHORS’ NOTE: We thank John Braithwaite for setting up and helping with the
research project on which this article is based, and DataCol International (especially
Malcolm Mearns) for administering the survey reported on here. We also thank the
Australian Competition and Consumer Commission (through its support for the
Centre for Competition and Consumer Policy, Australian National University), the
Australian Research Council, and the Regulatory Institutions Network, Australian
National University, for funding this research.
© 2011 by Federal Legal Publications, Inc.
probability is more important than sanction severity, that business
belief in the positive business case for compliance is also important,
and that fundamental firm characteristics (size, resources, and man-
agement style) are also significantly and independently related to
compliance management behavior. We conclude that higher sanc-
tions on their own are unlikely to lead to higher compliance with
Australian competition and consumer protection law.
I. INTRODUCTION
Australia is one of the many countries that has recently radically
increased the penalties available for cartel conduct and even criminal-
ized this conduct in order to make jail available as a sanction for
involved individuals.1According to the Organisation for Economic Co-
operation and Development (OECD), which is coordinating the world-
wide movement to “fight” hard core cartels, the principal purpose of
sanctions in cartel cases is deterrence.2The optimal fine should both
cancel out the gains of noncompliance and take into account the low
probability of a cartel being detected. This means that fines against
companies should be many multiples of their gains and that individu-
als should also be sanctioned to provide additional deterrence.3
378 :THE ANTITRUST BULLETIN:Vol. 56, No. 2/Summer 2011
1In 2007, penalties increased from AUD 10 million for companies to
either AUD 10 million or three times the value of the illegal benefit or, when
the value of the illegal benefit cannot be ascertained, ten percent of the
turnover in the preceding twelve months, whichever is the larger. In 2009, cer-
tain cartel conduct was criminalized and jail penalties of up to ten years
became available for involved individuals. Previously only civil penalties of up
to AUD 500,000 could be assessed against individuals. Note that these changes
had been foreshadowed, but had not actually occurred, at the time that the
data in this article were collected. Caron Beaton-Wells, Criminalising Cartels:
Australia’s Slow Conversion, 31 WORLD COMPETITION 205 (2008). See also Christo-
pher Harding, Business Collusion as a Criminological Phenomenon: Exploring the
Global Criminalisation of Business Cartels, 12 CRITICAL CRIMINOLOGY 181 (2006).
2ORG. FOR ECON. COOP. & DEV. (OECD), FIGHTING HARD CORE CARTELS:
HARM, EFFECTIVE SANCTIONS AND LENIENCY PROGRAMMES 72 (2002).
3Id. at 25–27. See also Peter Whelan, A Principled Argument for Personal
Criminal Sanctions as Punishment Under EC Cartel Law, 4 COMPETITION L. REV.7,
30–35 (2007); Wouter P.J. Wils, Optimal Antitrust Fines: Theory and Practice, 29
WORLD COMPETITION 183 (2006).
The policy of increasing sanctions for cartel conduct assumes that
there are still noncompliant business people who have made a calcu-
lated and self-interested decision that the gains of noncompliance out-
weigh the costs. It further assumes that these people can be
frightened into compliance if the costs of noncompliance become
weightier.4This article tests these assumptions in one country, Aus-
tralia, just before penalties for cartel behavior and other anticompeti-
tive conduct were increased. We systematically test the impact of the
various costs and gains of compliance and noncompliance, including
the deterrence of legal sanctions, on firms’ competition and consumer
protection compliance management systems and practices. We iden-
tify which perceived costs and gains of compliance and noncompli-
ance make a difference and whether there is any margin for
influencing the behavior of those firms that comply least through the
deterrence of legal sanctions.
On the basis of our evidence we argue that giving the Australian
competition regulator bigger sticks to fight cartels was a policy solu-
tion that was simply “too easy” to work on its own. Lawmakers and
regulators need to base policy on more textured analyses of the
impact of firms’ perceptions of costs and gains on their compliance
behavior. This article therefore begins by setting out in section II, as
comprehensively as possible, the various aspects of business firms’
calculative thinking that are likely to have an impact on compliance,
drawing on previous empirical research on regulatory compliance.
From this we derive a holistic model of the different elements of cal-
culative thinking that affect compliance. We see the derivation of this
holistic model in itself as an important corrective to simplistic deter-
rence. Section III of the article describes our study and the measures
we use to test the various elements of our model. Section IV reports
and discusses our results, and section V concludes.
This in-depth investigation of the elements of deterrence within
one regulatory regime allows us to identify whether there is in fact
room for changes in regulatory enforcement to lead to marginal gains
IMPACT OF CALCULATIVE THINKING :379
4See Christine Parker, Criminalisation and Compliance: The Gap Between
Rhetoric and Reality, in CRIMINALISING CARTELS: CRITICAL STUDIES OF AN INTERNA-
TIONAL REGULATORY MOVEMENT (Caron Beaton-Wells & Ariel Ezrachi eds.,
2011).

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