The Determinants of Terrorist Listing

Published date01 January 2024
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1177/00220027231164924
AuthorChia-yi Lee,Yasutaka Tominaga
Date01 January 2024
Subject MatterArticles
Article
Journal of Conf‌lict Resolution
2024, Vol. 68(1) 5379
© The Author(s) 2023
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DOI: 10.1177/00220027231164924
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The Determinants of
Terrorist Listing
Chia-yi Lee
1
and Yasutaka Tominaga
2
Abstract
Terrorist designation has increasingly become an important counterterrorism tool used by
intergovernmental organizations and state governments. This article examines the deter-
minants of terrorist listing and argues that terrorist listing is driven by security as well as
political concerns. While countries tend to designate groups that pose a greater security
threat, terrorist listing can also be inf‌luenced by interstate relationships including alliance ties
and state rivalry. We test these arguments using a dataset on 35 countries that currently
maintain their own lists of designated terrorist organizations. Our f‌indings show that gov-
ernments are more likely to list groups that have a record of attacking their domestic interests.
Domesticgroupsaremorelikelytobedesignated than foreign groups. Moreover, countries
are more likely to designate groups that are designated by their allies, even when these groups
do not pose a direct threat. Our study contributes to the literature on terrorism and more
broadly international security by systematically examining the determinants of terrorist
designation and explaining the heterogeneity of terrorist lists across countries.
Keywords
terrorism, foreign policy, counterterrorism, economic sanctions
Introduction
Terrorism is a form of political violence that is different from a waror crimein that
terrorists are not soldiers and they have more specif‌ic political goals than merely
1
National Chengchi University, Taiwan
2
Hosei University, Japan
Corresponding Author:
Yasutaka Tominaga, Faculty of Economics, Hosei University, 4342 Aihara-town, Machida-city Tokyo
1940298, Japan.
Email: y-tominaga@yasutakatominaga.com
affecting victims. Due to the lack of a universal def‌inition of terrorism, however, one
political group could be labeled as a terrorist group by some governments, but not by
others. The Myanmar government, for instance, declares that the Arakan Rohingya
Salvation Army (ARSA) involved in the ongoing Rohingya insurgency in northern
Myanmar is a terrorist group with who they refuse to negotiate, despite being criticized
by the international community for the humanitarian crisis generated by the battles. In
some cases, foreign governments label rebels as terrorists, whereas the host government
is unwilling to attach this label. In 2016, for example, the President of Colombia asked
the U.S. government to remove the rebel group, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of
Colombia (FARC), from its off‌icial list of terrorist organizations once a peace deal was
established,
1
although the FARC had remained on the list until December 2021. These
observations lead to an interesting question that has rarely been answered in the lit-
erature: Why do governments list some groups as terrorists but not others?
This article examines the determinants of listing terrorist organizationsfrom the
perspective of governments.
2
We argue that terrorist listing is driven by both security
and political concerns. On the one hand, countries are more likely to designate terrorist
groups that pose a greater security threat. To measure a terrorist groupsthreat level, we
propose a nuanced approach that takes into account the groups base, the victims
nationality, and the venue of attacks, and argue that groups that have a record of
attacking a countrys domestic interests are more likely to be designated. On the other
hand, terrorist listing can be a political tool to deal with domestic threats or dissidents,
as well as a foreign policy tool to cater to allies or target rivals.
We test these arguments using a newly compiled dataset on designated terrorist
organizations worldwide. The dataset includes 35 countries that currently maintain
their own lists of designated terrorist organizations, and covers 504 terrorist groups.
Employing a probit model, we f‌ind evidence partially supporting our arguments.
Terrorist listing is mainly driven by the security concern as well as alliance com-
mitments, and domestic groups are more likely to be designated than foreign groups.
While terrorist designation has increasingly become an important counterterrorism
instrument, little is known about the political logic of this controversial policy tool. Our
study contributes to the literature on terrorism and more broadly international security
by systematically examining the motivations behind terrorist designation and ex-
plaining the heterogeneity of terrorist lists across countries.
The remainder of this article proceeds as follows. The next section discusses the
designation regimes across different countries and the existing literature on this issue.
The section that follows develops our hypotheses. The fourth section is our research
design, and the section afterward presents the empirical f‌indings. The last section
concludes the article.
Off‌icial Designation of Terrorists
Although the nature and legal effects of their lists vary to some degree, many gov-
ernments and major intergovernmental organizations (IGOs), such as the United
54 Journal of Conf‌lict Resolution 68(1)

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