Deprivation of Women and Men Living in a Couple: Sharing or Unequal Division?

AuthorKarel Van den Bosch,Anne-Cathérine Guio
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/roiw.12449
Published date01 December 2020
Date01 December 2020
© 2019 International Association for Research in Income and Wealth
958
DEPRIVATION OF WOMEN AND MEN LIVING IN A COUPLE:
SHARING OR UNEQUAL DIVISION?
by Anne-CAthérine Guio
Luxembourg Institute of Socio-Economic Research
AND
KArel VAn den bosCh*
Belgian Federal Planning Bureau
University of Antwerp
In standard poverty analyses, all household members are assumed to share equal living conditions.
Though a few national studies exist, this paper is the first to present empirical evidence on this issue
for the EU, using the 2015 wave of the EU Statistics on Income and Living Conditions. We map the
extent of intra-couple inequality in deprivation, and analyze its determinants. We find that for most
items, the gender difference in lack between partners, though generally small, is significant and at the
disadvantage of women. When aggregating the individual items into a deprivation scale, couples where
the number of enforced lacks is higher for the woman (9.2 percent) are (significantly) more numerous
than couples where the man is disadvantaged (6.5 percent), at the EU level. Econometric analysis shows
that the work status of the partners and their relative contribution to the joint income are important
determinants of the intra-couple gender deprivation gap.
JEL Codes: I32, J16
Keywords: EU-SILC, gender inequality, intra-couple inequality, material deprivation
1. introduCtion
In standard poverty and deprivation analyses, all household members are sup-
posed to share equal living conditions. This assumption is for example implicit in
the at-risk-of-poverty rate used at the EU level, which is derived from household
income. Household income is the aggregation of individual income received by
all household members as well as the income components received at the house-
hold level (such as rent, some social or inter-household transfers etc.). The same
assumption has also been made to date for the EU standard deprivation indicator,
which is based on nine items collected in the household questionnaire (see Guio,
2009 for a description of the EU agreed indicator). Researchers have been aware
for some time that this assumption is rather restrictive (Jenkins, 1991), and could
result in a downward bias of estimates of the extent of poverty and deprivation,
especially among some subgroups, such as women and children. Intra-household
*Correspondence to: Karel Van den Bosch, University of Antwerp, St. Jacobsstraat 2, 2000,
Antwerp, Belgium. (karel.vandenbosch@uantwerpen.be)
Review of Income and Wealth
Series 66, Number 4, December 2020
DOI: 10.1111/roiw.12449
bs_bs_banner
Review of Income and Wealth, Series 66, Number 4, December 2020
959
© 2019 International Association for Research in Income and Wealth
inequality could mean that some persons in a household are living in poverty or
deprivation, even though the household as a whole is above the threshold, and also
that a family below the poverty threshold could contain someone who is above it.
A number of studies, using various methods and data, have looked into the
“black box” of the intra-household distribution of incomes and consumption.
Though a few have studied the distribution between parents and children (see e.g.
Main and Bradshaw, 2016; Bárcena Martín et al., 2017), most studies focus on the
intra-couple distribution (as we will do below), covering different aspects. Some
investigate the ways in which a couple’s finances are managed and controlled,
while others have studied individual consumption or living standards of wives and
husbands within couples (see Bennett, 2013, for a review). Only a few studies for
Ireland (Cantillon and Nolan, 1998, 2001; Cantillon et al., 2015) have looked at
differences in deprivation within couples. These indicate that such differences are
not very common, but that when they do occur they are more often to the disad-
vantage of wives than of husbands.
This paper is the first to present empirical evidence on this issue for a range
of EU countries. It uses the data on material deprivation of the 2015 wave of
the EU Statistics on Income and Living Conditions (EU-SILC), which contain
a number of items on deprivation at the individual level, in addition to the usual
deprivation items collected at the household level. We map the extent of intra-cou-
ple inequality in deprivation, and analyze its determinants. The paper is structured
as follows. The next section reviews the literature on intra-couple inequality, dis-
cussing studies on differences in outcomes (consumption, deprivation), as well as
those on management and control of a couple’s finances. Section 3 presents the
data and methods used. Descriptive results are shown in Section 4, while Section 5
investigates the determinants of the gender deprivation gap. Section 6 concludes,
discussing the substantive findings, as well as making recommendations for future
data collection.
2. literAture reView
Until fairly recently, survey or other data that directly measured the living
standards of partners within couples were lacking. The call by Jenkins (1991) to
stop ignoring the within-household aspects of poverty was therefore first followed
by studies which used alternative assumptions for the distribution of incomes
within households (Bennett, 2013). Davies and Joshi (1994) examined the impact
of making the assumption that there would be only minimum sharing between
adults within households, and show that this leads to a much higher estimate of
poverty among married women. (Also see Borooah and McKee, 1994; Phipps and
Burton, 1995; Lise and Seitz, 2011; Corsi et al., 2016.) Such studies suggested that
there might be a substantial reservoir of hidden poverty among wives in seemingly
non-poor households.
When looking into the “black box” of intra-household distribution, it is
important to distinguish between outcomes and processes. The first term covers
consumption, living standards, deprivation and, ultimately, well-being, while the
second concept refers to financial control, resource management, income pooling

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