Democratization and Troop Contributions to United Nations Peacekeeping

Published date01 April 2022
DOI10.1177/0095327X20968197
Date01 April 2022
AuthorTimothy J. A. Passmore
Subject MatterArticles
https://doi.org/10.1177/0095327X20968197
Armed Forces & Society
2022, Vol. 48(2) 274 –301
© The Author(s) 2020
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DOI: 10.1177/0095327X20968197
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Article
Democratization and
Troop Contributions to
United Nations
Peacekeeping
Timothy J. A. Passmore
1
Abstract
What explains the post–Cold War surge in peacekeeping contributions from the
developing world? I argue that, amid a wave of democratization and expanded
peacekeeping activity, such countries use peacekeeping deployments to reduce the
threat of the military to nascent democratic institutions. Peacekeeping participation
serves to placate the military in the short term with resources and continued activity,
while socializing and professionalizing it to pro-democracy behaviors in the long
term. Assessing troop contributions from 1990 to 2011, I find evidence that new
democracies make larger contributions than other states, where the effect dimin-
ishes as democracy becomes consolidated. Moreover, the effect is amplified in
countries with a greater military legacy. I supplement this with a study of Argentina to
further support the proposed mechanism. These findings help explain the shift in
state peacekeeping contributions in recent years, the role of democracy in peace-
keeping efforts, and the impact of international actors in supporting democratization.
Keywords
civil–military relations, conflict resolution, coups and conflicts, democracy,
peacekeeping
In recent decades, the provision of personnel for United Nations peacekeeping
operations (UNPKOs) has shifted largely from th e developed to the developing
1
Virginia Military Institute, Lexington, VA, USA
Corresponding Author:
Timothy J. A. Passmore, Virginia Military Institute, 323 Scott Shipp Hall, Lexington, VA, 24450, USA.
Email: passmoretj@vmi.edu
world. Where mission compositions were once dominated by Europe and North
America, they now consist heavily of peacekeepers from Africa, South Asia, and
Latin America. While various studies have attempted to explain this pattern, there
remains a lack of consensus. I argue that the process of democratization creates
strong incentives for states to support peacekeeping missions with their own per-
sonnel and that such states will subsequently make larger contributions than both
established democracies and nondemocracies. Democratizing states
1
face unique
challenges relating to domestic demand for public goods provision as well as pres-
sures from the military. Participation in peacekeeping creates a means to satisfy both
of these challenges. I argue that participation addresses the domestic threat of the
military both by placating it in the short term with resources and continued activity,
while also socializing and professionalizing its members in the long term to pro-
democracy behaviors. In achieving these outcomes, domestic opposition to contin-
ued high spending on the military can be assuaged, while much needed funds can be
diverted to domestic purposes. By achieving these outcomes, a newly democratic
state can decrease the likelihood of opposition and regime instability and thereby
increase the probability of democratic consolidation.
I test my argument empirically by examining the effect of being a new democracy
on personnel contributions to UN peacekeeping operations between 1990 and 2011.
While previous studies have considered the relationship between democracy and
contributions (e.g., Andersson, 2002; Lebovic, 2004; Perkins & Neumayer, 2008),
they focus only on a state’s regime type rather than considering states in transition,
much less the internal political dynamics of the country. I therefore offer a novel
insight into this relationship, considering democracies in transition. The results show
support for my arguments: Newly democratized states make larger personnel con-
tributions than other states, but their commitments decrease as democracy becomes
more consolidated. I also find that the effect is amplified where the country expe-
rienced coups in the past and where the military was more prominent prior to
transition. To offer further support for the proposed mechanisms, I supplement the
statistical analysis with a case study of Argentina, whose involvement in peace-
keeping in its postdemocratization years was critical for establishing stable civil–
military relations that supported the successful consolidation of democracy.
This project contributes to the understanding of civil–military relations in the
context of democratization, while also considering the undertheorized role of inter-
national organizations in this process, contributing to a broader literature on how
involvement in international organizations can support the process of democratiza-
tion. It also adds to an ongoing discussion on the determinants of peacekeeping
personnel contributions. In particular, prior consideration of regime characteristics
has overlooked heterogeneous factors a mong democracies and has subsequently
produced mixed results. With that, I offer the first large-ntest of the role played
by democratization in peacekeeping contributions and add to a sparse understanding
of how states use peacekeeping as a strategic means to address threats posed by the
military.
Passmore 275
Democratization and
Troop Contributions to
United Nations
Peacekeeping
Timothy J. A. Passmore
1
Abstract
What explains the post–Cold War surge in peacekeeping contributions from the
developing world? I argue that, amid a wave of democratization and expanded
peacekeeping activity, such countries use peacekeeping deployments to reduce the
threat of the military to nascent democratic institutions. Peacekeeping participation
serves to placate the military in the short term with resources and continued activity,
while socializing and professionalizing it to pro-democracy behaviors in the long
term. Assessing troop contributions from 1990 to 2011, I find evidence that new
democracies make larger contributions than other states, where the effect dimin-
ishes as democracy becomes consolidated. Moreover, the effect is amplified in
countries with a greater military legacy. I supplement this with a study of Argentina to
further support the proposed mechanism. These findings help explain the shift in
state peacekeeping contributions in recent years, the role of democracy in peace-
keeping efforts, and the impact of international actors in supporting democratization.
Keywords
civil–military relations, conflict resolution, coups and conflicts, democracy,
peacekeeping
In recent decades, the provision of personnel for United Nations peacekeeping
operations (UNPKOs) has shifted largely from th e developed to the developing
1
Virginia Military Institute, Lexington, VA, USA
Corresponding Author:
Timothy J. A. Passmore, Virginia Military Institute, 323 Scott Shipp Hall, Lexington, VA, 24450, USA.
Email: passmoretj@vmi.edu
world. Where mission compositions were once dominated by Europe and North
America, they now consist heavily of peacekeepers from Africa, South Asia, and
Latin America. While various studies have attempted to explain this pattern, there
remains a lack of consensus. I argue that the process of democratization creates
strong incentives for states to support peacekeeping missions with their own per-
sonnel and that such states will subsequently make larger contributions than both
established democracies and nondemocracies. Democratizing states
1
face unique
challenges relating to domestic demand for public goods provision as well as pres-
sures from the military. Participation in peacekeeping creates a means to satisfy both
of these challenges. I argue that participation addresses the domestic threat of the
military both by placating it in the short term with resources and continued activity,
while also socializing and professionalizing its members in the long term to pro-
democracy behaviors. In achieving these outcomes, domestic opposition to contin-
ued high spending on the military can be assuaged, while much needed funds can be
diverted to domestic purposes. By achieving these outcomes, a newly democratic
state can decrease the likelihood of opposition and regime instability and thereby
increase the probability of democratic consolidation.
I test my argument empirically by examining the effect of being a new democracy
on personnel contributions to UN peacekeeping operations between 1990 and 2011.
While previous studies have considered the relationship between democracy and
contributions (e.g., Andersson, 2002; Lebovic, 2004; Perkins & Neumayer, 2008),
they focus only on a state’s regime type rather than considering states in transition,
much less the internal political dynamics of the country. I therefore offer a novel
insight into this relationship, considering democracies in transition. The results show
support for my arguments: Newly democratized states make larger personnel con-
tributions than other states, but their commitments decrease as democracy becomes
more consolidated. I also find that the effect is amplified where the country expe-
rienced coups in the past and where the military was more prominent prior to
transition. To offer further support for the proposed mechanisms, I supplement the
statistical analysis with a case study of Argentina, whose involvement in peace-
keeping in its postdemocratization years was critical for establishing stable civil–
military relations that supported the successful consolidation of democracy.
This project contributes to the understanding of civil–military relations in the
context of democratization, while also considering the undertheorized role of inter-
national organizations in this process, contributing to a broader literature on how
involvement in international organizations can support the process of democratiza-
tion. It also adds to an ongoing discussion on the determinants of peacekeeping
personnel contributions. In particular, prior consideration of regime characteristics
has overlooked heterogeneous factors a mong democracies and has subsequently
produced mixed results. With that, I offer the first large-ntest of the role played
by democratization in peacekeeping contributions and add to a sparse understanding
of how states use peacekeeping as a strategic means to address threats posed by the
military.

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