The Case for Democracy: The Power of Freedom to Overcome Tyranny and Terror.

AuthorKober, Stanley
PositionBook review

The Case for Democracy: The Power of Freedom to Overcome Tyranny and Terror Natan Sharansky with Ron Definer New York: Public Affairs, 2004, 320 pp.

Natan Sharansky has been a gadfly notable for his conviction and persistence. In the Soviet Union, he defied the Soviet authorities and became perhaps the best known of the Jewish dissidents. Released from prison, he emigrated to Israel, where his criticism of existing affairs led him to enter politics and to become a minister in the government--and then to resign when he disagreed with policy. This book is his testament to the ideas that motivated him, which he believes led to the collapse of the Soviet Union and which can, he argues, ultimately transform the world into a better, more peaceful place.

Sharansky's basic thesis is very simple. There are two types of societies: those characterized by tear and those motivated by freedom. To distinguish between the two, he applies the "town hall" test. "Can a person walk into the middle of the town square and express his or her views without fear of arrest, imprisonment, or physical harm? If he can, then that person is living in a free society. If not, it's a fear society." He stresses there is "nothing in between ... because a society that does not protect dissent will inevitably be based on fear" (pp. 40-41).

Sharansky's sharp and uncompromising distinction, which eliminates any shades of gray, reflects his belief in the need for moral clarity. It is moral clarity--in particular, the requirement to recognize evil as evil--that is the foundation of any effort to create a more peaceful world. He has glowing praise for President Ronald Reagan for condemning the Soviet Union as an evil empire and acting accordingly, which leads to Sharansky's proclamation of the "formula that had achieved victory" in the Cold War:

Beset on the inside by dissidents demanding the regime live up to its international commitments and pressed on the outside by leaders like Reagan willing to link their foreign aim defense policies to internal Soviet changes, leaders in the Kremlin eventually buckled under the strain (p. 140). Sharansky believes this formula can be reproduced anywhere. "The same formula will work again today," he insists. "The nations of the free world can promote democracy by linking their foreign policies toward nondemocratic regimes to how those regimes treat their citizens," especially since these regimes "are much more dependent on the West than the...

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