Defendant's Choice

AuthorLorelei Laird
Pages18-19
National
Pulse
see why posting the video ha s
anything much to do w ith that,”
he says.
RISKY BEHAVIORS
Hyman is opposed to bad
Samarita n laws—on practical
grounds mor e than philosophic al
ones. In a 2006 Texas Law Review
article, he ana lyzed a study
comparing documented resc ue
attempts to nonrescues—situ ations
where someone failed to rescue
a stranger in distre ss, in circum-
stances in which it would not
have been risky to do so.
He found zero nonrescues or
prosecutions in the three st ates
with a duty to rescue. I n two of
those states, Hyma n found that
the laws didn’t a ect rate s of
accidental death or nonresc ue.
But the real story wa s that
Americans a re far more likely to
die trying t o be heroes than for lack
of heroes. Using news reports and
data from organiz ations that give
awards to rescuers, he concluded
there were 740 rescues for every
nonrescue.
Indeed, central Florida prov ides
a case in point. Acc ording to an
Orlando Sentinel story, 10 days
after Dunn’s death, 19 -year-old
Nic Berry of New Smyrn a Beach
jumped into a canal t o rescue a
stranger he’d heard screaming.
Although B erry and the un named
man surv ived, Hyman reported
that would-be rescuers are f re-
quently not so lucky. Every year, he
concluded, at least 78 America ns
die trying t o rescue another person.
But only about one American dies
of nonrescue. Put another way,
every year would-be resc uers die
at least 65 times more often t han
victims of nonresc ue.
For that reason, Hyman thi nks a
law requiring rescue att empts could
lead to more deaths. If legislat ures
are going to pass laws, he’d prefer
that they provide for rescuers. “ The
problem is not, based on the data
that I collected, t hat Americans are
unwilling to re scue one another in
nonrisky circum stances,” he says.
“The problem is that America ns are
too willing t o rescue one another in
very risky ci rcumstances.” Q
The Docket
18 || ABA JOURNAL JUNE 2018
Defendant’s Choice
Texas county experiments with allowing indigent
clients to choose their own lawyers
By Lorelei Laird
In early 2015,
attorney Gina Jones
became too popular
for her own good.
As a private cri mi-
nal defense lawyer,
Jones might normally welcome new
business. But on Feb. 2, 2015, her
home jurisdiction of Comal C ounty,
Texas, started to e xperiment with
how it handles indigent defense.
Rather than appointing coun sel
according to its old “wheel” sy stem—
in which the next lawyer on t he list is
appointed—the county gave clients a
choice of any court-approved lawyer.
Within six weeks , dozens of them
chose Jones. In the fi rst few weeks,
she says, her o ce wa s receiving two
or three appointments every day.
Project organizers s ay it’s u nclear
why she was, as she put it, the “fl avor
of the month,” although courtroom
successes and positive reput ation
might have played a role.
Jones was soon overwhelmed with
work—and because of the low pay
for court-appointed cas es, she also
saw a substantial drop in i ncome.
Eventually, she had to take herself
o the felony appointments list.
“I’m doing this because I like
to fi ght for people that can’t fi ght
for themselves,” says Jones of the
Canyon Lake, Texas, o ce of Jones
Sullivan. “But I can’t help everyb ody.
It’s just impossible.”
If there were some kinks to work
out in Comal County, a fast-g rowing
area between Sa n Antonio and
Austin, that could be be cause it
was the fi rst jur isdiction anywhere
in the United States to prov ide
defendants this choice.
The Client Choice program in
Comal County wa s organized by the
Texas Indigent Defense Commission,
a state agency dedicat ed to improv-
ing such defense without driv ing up
costs.
A year of data showed that it
worked—clients had better outcomes
and felt more listened to. The county
liked the system enough that it st ill
uses it today.
“It was a successful proof of c on-
cept,” says Edwin Colfa x, grant pro-
gram manager at t he commission.
“We didn’t identify any … pragmatic
obstacles to implementing it, and
we didn’t observe any harm s.
REJECTION OF A RELATIONSH IP
Giving indigent clients a choice
of lawyers is stand ard practice in
Britain, but it’s nearly unheard of i n
the United States. Cour ts here have
rejected attempts t o make client
choice a right in indigent defense.
In 1983, the U.S. Supreme Court
held in Morris v. Slappy th at indi-
gent defendants don’t get a choice
because they’re not entitled to a
“meaningfu l relationship” with
appointed counsel. In the same
year, the 7th U.S. Circuit Cou rt
of Appeals at Chicago a nticipated
Jones’ problem, holding that clients
would “paralyze the s ystem by all
ocking to one lawyer.”
Nonetheless, the concept was
backed in a 1993 law review a rticle,
“Rethinking Indigent Defen se,” by
law professors Stephen Schulhofer
of New York University and David
Friedman of Sant a Clara University.
They argued that client choice could
remove some perverse incentives in
existing indigent defense sy stems. It
might also improve the relationship
between attorney s and clients, they
suggested.
In 2010, the Cato Institute pub-
lished “Reforming Indigent Defense,”
based on the earlier ar ticle, which is
how it came to the attention of James
Bethke, former executive d irector of
the Texas commission. He decided
to test its theor y, enl isting help from
Colfax as well a s Norman Lefstein,
a professor at Indiana University’s
Robert H. McKinney School of L aw

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