Culture of Corrections: The Experiences of Women Correctional Officers

• Published date: 01 July 2018
• Author: Lynne Gouliquer,Freda Burdett,Carmen Poulin
• Date: 01 July 2018
• DOI: 10.1177/1557085118767974
• Subject Matter: Articles

https://doi.org/10.1177/1557085118767974

Feminist Criminology

2018, Vol. 13(3) 329 –349

© The Author(s) 2018

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DOI: 10.1177/1557085118767974

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Article

Culture of Corrections:

The Experiences of Women

Correctional Officers

Freda Burdett1, Lynne Gouliquer2,

and Carmen Poulin1

Abstract

Based on 36 interviews with women correctional officers, we examined their

everyday work experiences in the Ontario Provincial correctional system. We used

the Psycho-Social Ethnography of the Commonplace methodology to determine

challenges and complications women endure in this highly gendered, masculine-

defined culture, and the resilience approaches they used to survive. Findings indicate

how sexism, hostility, paternalism, and social alienation are maintained and reinforced.

Women are repetitively, implicitly and explicitly reminded of their fragile femininity,

physical inferiority, and lack of fit. Policy recommendations to contravene the Culture

of Corrections’ androcentric nature, and those found in other nontraditional men-

dominated work environments, are offered.

Keywords

psycho-social ethnography of commonplace methodology, culture of corrections,

social alienation, masculine-defined culture, men-dominated work, sexism,

paternalism, marginalization, hostile workplaces

Women account for nearly half of the Canadian paid workforce (47%; Statistics

Canada, 2016). A large majority of them continue to work in traditionally women-

dominated occupations (e.g., teacher, nurse, cashier) (Ferrao, 2010). Many factors

play a part in this situation, including the challenge of reconciling home-based respon-

sibilities with employment (Watts, 2009). In men-dominated environments, women,

1University of New Brunswick, Fredericton, Canada

2Laurentian University, Sudbury, Ontario, Canada

Corresponding Author:

Lynne Gouliquer, Laurentian University, 935 Ramsey Lake Road Sudbury, Sudbury, Ontario,

Canada P3E 2C6.

Email: lgouliquer@laurentian.ca

767974FCXXXX10.1177/1557085118767974Feminist CriminologyBurdett et al.

research-article2018

330 Feminist Criminology 13(3)

like men, are expected to work long hours (60-70 hours per week). Thus, men and

women must sacrifice family time (Watts, 2009). However, women still do more of the

familial caring responsibilities (e.g., children); thus, long hours at work affect them

differently than their men colleagues (Bolino & Turnley, 2005). In addition, women

face excessive levels of hostility in men-dominated environments (e.g., harassment,

sexism, isolation) (Braid, 2012; E. Butler & Ferrier, 2000; Gleeson, 1996; Paap, 2006;

Worrall, Harris, Stewart, Thomas, & McDermott, 2010). The hostility directed toward

women appears to be greater in military and paramilitary working milieus (e.g., sol-

diers, police officers, firefighters, or prison guards) (Gouliquer, 2011; Griffin, 2006;

Leskinen & Cotina, 2014; Loftus, 2009; Rosell, Miller, & Barber, 1995; Savicki,

Cooley, & Gjesvold, 2003; Yoder & Beredsen, 2001). A defining aspect of these vari-

ous men-dominated environments is the varying degrees and forms of physical risk

and violence they involve (Gouliquer, 2011). The purpose of the present research is to

examine women’s experiences at the intersection of paid employment and men-domi-

nated paramilitary institutions. In particular, this article focuses on the everyday world

of women correctional officers in a Canadian provincial correctional milieu.

Traditional Men-Dominated Work and Women

Van Wijk and Finchilescu (2008) have discussed how change in an institution is

directly linked to the organizational culture. This is particularly true of change that

involves the integration of women in men-dominated occupations and professions

(Wajcman, 1998; Williams, 1989), because men fear that such integration will affect

their work identity and lifestyle (van Wijk & Finchilescu, 2008). Given the historical

and present dynamics of power in such organizations, Acker (2006) argued that it is

men and their masculinity which shape and define the workplace culture, policies,

practices, and structures. Feminist research using J. Butler’s (1993, 1990/2000) work

shows how gender is performative and varies in diverse organizations (Bruni, Gherardi,

& Poggio, 2004; Tyler & Cohen, 2010). This article examines the ways in which gen-

der performativity emerges in, and through, a historically men-dominated and mascu-

line-defined organizational culture and space. As such, researchers have identified a

number of barriers in men-dominated fields that function to exclude women, such as

the double standards of performance (Gouliquer, 2011; Yoder & Aniakudo, 1997), the

old boys’ club (Canada, 1990), occupational socialization (or lack thereof for women;

Crouch, 1985; Crouch & Alpert, 1982), and the devaluing of feminine traits (see

Britton, 2003; Martin & Barnard, 2013; Pogrebin & Poole, 1998). Cheeseman, Kim,

Lambert, and Hogan (2011) also argued that, in addition to examining men’s resis-

tance to women, research needs to implicate the men-dominated hierarchy (e.g., super-

visory support) when trying to understand the institutional culture.

In general, two approaches have been used to examine gender discrimination in the

workplace: one focusing on institutionalized workplace policies and practices, and the

other on gender stereotyping. Van Wijk and Finchilescu (2008) argued that organiza-

tions resist gender integration, formally and informally. Formally, the resistance is

organized in policies and formal procedures that discriminate against women, such as