Cultural and economic integration of immigrant minorities: Analytical framework and policy implications

Published date01 December 2023
AuthorMark Gradstein,Moshe Justman
Date01 December 2023
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/jpet.12662
Received: 31 December 2022
|
Accepted: 11 August 2023
DOI: 10.1111/jpet.12662
ORIGINAL ARTICLE
Cultural and economic integration of
immigrant minorities: Analytical framework
and policy implications
Mark Gradstein
1
|Moshe Justman
2
1
Department of Economics, CEPR,
CESifo, IZA, Ben Gurion University,
BeerSheva, Israel
2
Department of Economics, Ben Gurion
University, BeerSheva, Israel
Correspondence
Mark Gradstein, Department of
Economics, CEPR, CESifo, IZA, Ben
Gurion University, BeerSheva, Israel.
Email: grade@bgu.ac.il
Abstract
The cultural diversity that new immigrants bring to the
host economy is potentially beneficial for the produc-
tivity of both immigrants and natives, but immigrants
must assimilate to some extent for these benefits to be
realized. In general, immigrants assimilate more slowly
than natives would like, as they ignore the external
material benefits of assimilation for natives and their
resistance to foreign cultural influences. We develop a
formal framework that highlights the complementarity
between immigrants' cultural assimilation, economic
integration, and investment in human capital, indicat-
ing the scope for mutually beneficial policies, offering
immigrants material incentives to assimilate more
rapidly.
KEYWORDS
cultural diversity, economic growth, immigration, social
integration
We have benefited from helpful suggestions by several colleagues and, especially, from the
insightful comments of the editor and referees of this Journal.
immigration is always, at the most personal level, a cultural encounter. It's a person with
one language and set of values interacting with a person with another language and set of
values. David Brooks, New York Times, November 7, 2019
J Public Econ Theory. 2023;25:13371360. wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/jpet
|
1337
This is an open access article under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits use, distribution and
reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
© 2023 The Authors. Journal of Public Economic Theory published by Wiley Periodicals LLC.
1|INTRODUCTION
Waves of international migration fueled by technological change and globalization, and by wars
and revolutions, are throwing together large cultural collectives with different racial and ethnic
backgrounds, with different languages and faiths and social norms, to live and work together in
a shared political, economic, and cultural space. In the late 19th century through to the early
20th century, these large waves of migration moved from densely populated, landscarce
European countries to sparsely populated areas in the Americas and the antipodes rich in land
and other natural resources; this was the Age of Mass Migration. More recent decades have
seen large migration flows from less developed to more developed nationsfrom Latin
America to the United States, from Africa and the Middle East to Western Europe.
1
These
waves of immigration, though offering the prospect of large economic gains for immigrants and
host countries alike, often create cultural tensions which threaten the realization of these gains.
The economic success of these large movements depends on the effective social integration
of the new migrants. Some countries have met this challenge well, creating conditions that
dispose migrant and native populations to bridge their differences and interact productively,
while others are plagued by religious and ethnic strife between migrant groups asserting their
separate cultural identity and natives who see them as a threat to their social harmony. Such
cultural tensions may lead to segregation of the immigrant population in ethnic enclaves,
physical or virtual, which may serve the immediate cultural preferences of both groups but
inhibit current and future economic growth (Chiswick & Miller, 2002; Cutler & Glaeser, 1997;
Lazear, 1999).
In this paper, we develop a model that embeds the productive and cultural interaction
between migrants and the host population in a macroeconomic framework that incorporates a
reciprocal effect between cultural distance and economic productivity, allowing us to identify
and assess different policy approaches. It rests on the assumption that the cultural diversity that
new immigrants bring to the host economy is potentially beneficial for the productivity of both
immigrants and natives, but the initial cultural distance between immigrants and natives is
excessive and impedes cooperation, and immigrants must assimilate to some extent for these
benefits to be realized. The need for policy intervention arises because immigrants generally
assimilate more slowly than natives would like, as they ignore the external material benefits of
assimilation for natives, and attach intrinsic value to their cultural traditions, which natives
view in a negative light, as socially disruptive. Moreover, we assume that immigrants' initial
cultural assimilation and their investment in human capital complement each other in
production so that the economic benefit of reducing the cultural distance between immigrants
and natives increases directly with their capacity to invest in human capital.
2
There is broad empirical support for these assumptions. The assumption that some cultural
diversity is beneficial for productivity finds support in a growing body of historical evidence on
its general productive advantages and in more recent evidence of its particular advantage for
innovative activity. Historical studies by Ager and Brückner (2013), Burchardi et al. (2020),
Campo et al. (2020), Sequeira et al. (2020), and Tabellini (2020) highlight the local benefits of
1
Many industrialized countries now have over 10% foreignborn residents. Ethnic and racial minorities accounted for
all of the US population growth in the last decade, https://www.census.gov/data/tables/time-series/demo/popest/
2010s-national-detail.html.
2
We allow differences in skill levels between immigrants and natives but abstract from differences in skill types. This is
consistent with the convergence of the educational composition of immigrants to that of natives in the United States.
1338
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GRADSTEIN and JUSTMAN

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