Cultic prophecy in Assyria and in the Psalms.

• Author: Hilber, John W.

INTRODUCTION

Since the classic debate between Mowinckel and Gunkel in the early twentieth century, no consensus has been reached on key questions regarding cultic prophecy or its relationship to the Book of Psalms. Mowinckel attempted to explain many psalms as a result of prophetic activity in the cult. (1) Gunkel, on the other hand, doubted that prophets contributed directly to psalmody, arguing that free, spontaneous prophecy is incompatible with a fixed liturgical agenda. Poetic or homiletical adaptation of prophetic style might account for such elements as first-person divine speech. (2) Some have stressed the unified composition of psalms containing divine speech and argued for composition of the whole prior to performance in worship, without the involvement of actual prophets. (3) Recent research on Assyrian prophetic sources provides fresh evidence relevant to this debate, particularly in reference to the preservation of cultic prophecy in psalms. (4) Assyrian sources attest to the existence of cult prophets in a culture relatively close to that of the OT, thereby inviting functional, form-critical, and thematic comparisons. The Assyrian prophetic collections and their use also invite comparison to literary composition and subsequent performance of psalms. After a brief overview of Assyrian cultic prophecy, this essay examines the implications for understanding the origin of first-person divine speech in the Book of Psalms.

ASSYRIAN CULTIC PROPHECY

Social Location

Assyrian prophecy was largely associated with temple communities, particularly the cult of Istar. Parpola (1997: xlvii, 1-lii) and Nissinen (2000a: 95) have observed that Assyrian prophets speak almost exclusively in the name(s) of Istar/Mullissu, bear names reflecting this affiliation, and hail from cities with major Istar or Mullissu temples. This, in itself, does not prove that prophecies were delivered in the temple nor that the prophets were temple personnel. Indeed, there is evidence that prophets served outside of temple contexts. (5) But several sources place prophets and prophecy explicitly in the temple. This evidence includes the title "votaress" attached to prophetesses, (6) the inclusion of prophets in ration lists for temple personnel, (7) and a Neo-Assyrian letter citing a prophecy as given in the temple.(8) Prophets also played a role in the Akitu festival alongside other temple personnel. (9) Prophecy supported temple interests, as one might expect of prophets whose primary allegiance was to the temple community. (10) On the whole it seems reasonable to conclude that the temple was a significant location for prophetic activity and that the primary identification of prophets was with the cultic community. Because the colophons in SAA 9 identify the prophets with major cult centers, it is likely that these prophecies originated in a cultic context (as mentioned, SAA 9 1.7 names a votaress in the colophon).

Function

As already noted, Assyrian cult prophets advocated the maintenance of temples and sacrifices. This may also have served the broader social welfare (Nissinen in 2003: 9). Since temples played an important role in state politics, it is not surprising that cult prophets functioned to legitimize the relationship between the king and the divine realm. (11) They gave divine response to inquiry and lament from the king, which may have included communal concerns. Inquiries pertained to international affairs, cultic initiatives, and possibly the appointment of high officials. (12) Three Assyrian oracles refer explicitly to the lament of the royal supplicant (Naqia, the queen mother, in SAA 9 1.8 and 5: 3 and Esarhaddon in 3.3). Two oracles (SAA 9 1.2 and 1.6) allude to circumstances described elsewhere by Esarhaddon as "anguishing." (13) Assurbanipal's description of the Elamite crisis illustrates most clearly the relationship between lament and prophetic response:

Istar heard my desperate sighs and said to me: "Have no fear!" She made my heart confident (saying): "Because of the 'hand-lifting' prayer you said, your eyes being filled with tears, I have mercy upon you." (Assurbanipal Prism B v 46-49; SAAS 7 2.3) (14) Oracle SAA 9 8 probably originated under these circumstances, and Nissinen 1998: 53 suggests that SAA 3 31, which commemorates the defeat of Elam and records Assurbanipal's prayer, possibly paraphrases an actual oracular response. The Dialogue Between Assurbanipal and Nabu (SAA 3 13) exhibits an interchange of royal lament and prophetic response. The literary dependence of the Dialogue on cult-prophetic speech (including oracles such as SAA 9 9) supports the idea that such prophetic responses existed in the cult. (15) Evidence also suggests that the role of the prophet as cultic mediator was a general one not limited to royal service. (16)

ASSYRIAN PROPHECY AND PSALMS

The social location and function of Assyrian prophets correspond to descriptions of prophets in the OT as voices of divine authority in royal affairs and as intermediaries who sometimes functioned at shrines. (17) One might then expect psalms containing prophetic words that legitimize royal power (Psalms 2; 89; 110; 132), advance cultic orthodoxy and practices (Psalms 50; 81; 95; 132), or address prayers and laments (Psalms 12; 60; 75; 82; 91; 132) to arise from this setting, even as Assyrian prophecy functioned in similar ways.

Royal Psalms

Because the extant Assyrian prophecies concern the king, some royal psalms are their closest counterpart in the Psalter, corresponding not only in form-critical style and thematic content but also in function. The correspondence in both form and function strengthens the legitimacy of the comparison. Psalms 2 and 110 grant divine authority to the king and are best understood as part of enthronement ritual. The form, style, and function of Assyrian cultic prophecies support this interpretation. Formal parallels for Psalm 110 include the introductory prophetic speech formula, presentation of a unified oracle composed of two parts, and changes in grammatical person throughout the oracle (SAA 9 2.4). (18) Thematic parallels include the privileged position of the king beside the deity ("lap," SAA 9 1.8; 1.10; cf. SAA 10 185: 5-13), enemies at the king's feet destined for destruction (SAA 9 1.1; 3.2; 4; 5), universal dominion (SAA 9 3.2; 7), eternal prerogatives (SAA 9 1.6), presence of loyal supporters (SAA 9 3.4), denial of divine lying (SAA 9 1.6), affirmation of priestly responsibility (SAA 9 2.3; 3.5) and the deity at the king's side (SAA 9 1.4; 5). (19)

Assyrian oracle SAA 9 3 was likely used at the king's coronation celebrations and so offers a functional parallel. (20) Likewise, Psalm 2 corresponds in structure to SAA 9 7. (21) Stylistic and thematic similarities to Assyrian royal oracles include the use of rhetorical questions (SAA 9 1.1; 1.2; 1.4; 2.4), the wavering of vassals and citation of their words (SAA 9 2.4; 7), covenant terminology of royal protocol (SAA 9 3.3), installation to kingship (SAA 9 1.2; 1.6; 1.8), declaration of divine sonship (SAA 9 1.6; 1.9; 2.5; 7), universal dominion (SAA 9 3.2), subjugation of rebels paying tribute at the king's feet and destruction of enemies (SAA 9 1.1; 1.2; 2.3; 2.4; 2.5; 3.2; 4; 5; 7), and exhortation and invitation to subjects of the king (SAA 9 3.2; 3.4). (22) Similar to Psalm 110, the function of prophetic speech in enthronement is illustrated by SAA 9 3. It is also of note that the wisdom theme of blessing (Psalm 2:10-12) finds a counterpart in Assurbanipal's coronation hymn (SAA 3 11).

While Psalm 132 does not correlate structurally with any single Assyrian oracle, the thematic and stylistic elements are very similar. As in Psalm 132, Assyrian prophecy played a role in royal prayers, cultic initiatives, and the unification of the political and religious spheres, particularly the link between royal covenant and cultic stability (SAA 9 3, esp. i 9-12). (23) In addition to the importance of establishing a throne (SAA 9 1.2; 1.6; 1.8; 2.3; 2.6; 7 [cf. SAA 3 3: 6-12]), Assyrian prophecy was concerned with dynastic succession (SAA 9 1.10; 2.3). (24)

Psalm 89 shares many themes and phrases with Assyrian oracles, and the order of many elements corresponds to SAA 9 1.6. (25) Themes include divine sonship and chosen heir of the deity (SAA 9 1.6; 1.9; 2.5; 7), establishment of the throne for long days and everlasting years (SAA 9 1.6 [cf. SAA 3 3: 6-12]), dynastic succession (SAA 9 1.10; 2.3), divine love for the king (SAA 9 1.6; 4), rule from sea to rivers (cf. sunset to sunrise, SAA 9 2.5; 3.2), royal covenant (SAA 9 3.3), subjugation of enemies (a dominant theme in Assyrian oracles), and divine promise accompanied by denial of lying (SAA 9 1.6). (26)

Steymans 2002: 198-216 argues cogently that literary dependence of Psalm 89 on 2 Samuel 7 or 23 is neither likely nor necessary in view of the closer parallels between Psalm 89 and Assyrian royal texts. The importance of Assyrian prophecy in royal lament is also noteworthy, especially considering the interchange between lament and prophetic oracle in the Dialogue Between Assurbanipal and Nabu. Even if Psalm 89 is an adaptation of stock prophetic phrases, such references are evident in genuine Assyrian cultic prophecy as well. (27) Therefore, reuse of existing tradition was common and such borrowing need not negate the authenticity or freshness of an oracle presently delivered. Thus...