Cui Bono? Public and Private Goals in Nonprofit Organizations

Published date01 August 2018
Date01 August 2018
AuthorCarrie R. Oelberger
DOI10.1177/0095399716659735
Subject MatterArticles
Administration & Society
2018, Vol. 50(7) 973 –1014
© The Author(s) 2016
DOI: 10.1177/0095399716659735
journals.sagepub.com/home/aas
Article
Cui Bono? Public
and Private Goals in
Nonprofit Organizations
Carrie R. Oelberger1
Abstract
Who benefits (cui bono) from nonprofit organizational structures and
practices? I draw on interviews, observation, and archival data from 25
grantmaking foundations to examine the mechanisms by which “charitable”
institutions are designed to serve the private interests of internal members.
I develop a framework to analyze how both public and private goals
inform organizational design, exploring the dual, continuous, and dynamic
nature of this process. This framework enables scholarship on nonprofit
organizational behavior to examine private interests in a uniquely robust
manner. Furthermore, it provides tools to study organizations’ evolution
through varied functions and forms over time.
Keywords
private goals, private interests, organizational design, grantmaking foundations,
charitable organizations, nonprofits, routines, practices
Who benefits (cui bono) from nonprofit organizational structures and prac-
tices? As scholars are moving away from essentialized understandings of the
public and private sectors (Bryson, Crosby, & Stone, 2006; Mair, Mayer, &
Lutz, 2015; Seibel, 2015), research has turned to the question of what it
means for an organization to be public (Moulton, 2009; Perry & Rainey,
1University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, MN, USA
Corresponding Author:
Carrie R. Oelberger, University of Minnesota, 301 19th Avenue South, Minneapolis, MN
55455, USA.
Email: coelberg@umn.edu
659735AASXXX10.1177/0095399716659735Administration & SocietyOelberger
research-article2016
974 Administration & Society 50(7)
1988; Rainey & Bozeman, 2000). I investigate these questions utilizing
insights from organizational sociology and scholarship on goal orientation,
analyzing who benefits from an organization’s structures and practices. I dis-
tinguish between a private goal orientation that serves the interests of internal
members of the organization and a public goal orientation that aims to serve
external constituents, emphasizing that this is not a dichotomous organiza-
tional attribute, but a dual, continuous, and dynamic descriptor. To investi-
gate these questions, I turn to the nonprofit sector.
Nonprofit organizations occupy a unique third sector with diverse resource
dependencies, arising mainly from private donations and labor, but subsi-
dized by government exemption of certain public tax obligations to encour-
age charitable activity (Anheier & Seibel, 1990). Questions of who benefits
from nonprofit behavior are therefore salient and have long been a source of
intense deliberation regarding the tensions between private resources and
public goods (Clotfelter, 1992; Hall, 2006). This debate is particularly salient
for the §501(c)(3) category of “charitable” nonprofit organizations, which
receive the most generous tax benefits and limited federal oversight (Hayes,
1996; Herzlinger, 1996; Kramer, 1981), and which also enjoy legitimacy and
trust among the public (Hansmann, 1987; Steinberg, 1986; Weisbrod, 1977).
For example, in selecting child care, health care, and education, people are
more likely to patronize nonprofits because they trust that the organizations
will use their resources for public benefit (Drevs, Tscheulin, & Lindenmeier,
2012; Handy et al., 2010; Leviten-Reid, 2012). However, though the official
goals of nonprofit organizations are publicly oriented, they are also often
multiple, vague, and conflicting (for an overview, see Rainey & Jung, 2015).
The ambiguity of nonprofits’ official goals, coupled with low levels of exter-
nal accountability and a loose regulatory apparatus, lends them a particular
malleability to be shaped by controlling forces within their organization
(Salamon & Anheier, 1996). This setting can result in nonphilanthropic goals
being advanced through nonprofit vehicles (Ott, 2000; Rothschild, 2013),
with, in some cases, the formal structure serving as a drape around an organi-
zation’s informal goals (DiMaggio & Anheier, 1990).
In studying goal orientation in the nonprofit sector, an alternative type of
nonprofit organization offers a useful comparison. Country clubs, homeown-
ers associations, community financial institutions, trade associations, and
sports clubs are all “mutual benefit” nonprofit organizations.1 Their nonprofit
status acknowledges their associational role within U.S. society, but the
Internal Revenue Service (IRS) provides them with less public support, as
they primarily serve internal organizational members.2 Therefore, when the
features of a mutual benefit organization arise within a charitable nonprofit, it
strikes the observer as abnormal. For example, we expect a charitable
Oelberger 975
nonprofit that provides tutoring services to children will not offer employment
and networking opportunities to the family and close friends of the founder.
Similarly, we expect that a human rights organization will not hold its profes-
sional development conference at a five-star beach resort in the Bahamas,
which would seem to serve the goal of taking a luxury vacation rather than the
goal of strengthening their substantive efforts. With limited organizational
resources, energy, and time, privately oriented activities enacted by publicly
mandated charitable organizations hold the potential for displacement of the
organization’s public goals. Moreover, effective management of these dual
goals requires extraordinarily astute staff who are able to attend to the highly
sensitive relational components of private goals, while also thinking both
responsively and strategically about the philanthropic goals of serving their
beneficiaries. Finally, privately oriented practices undermine the trust, tax
benefits, and moral legitimacy granted to nonprofits by the government and
the general public as a result of the charitable guarantee (Hansmann, 1987).
To date, however, both the public and scholarly literature have largely
overlooked the possibility that a charitable §501(c)(3) nonprofit organization
might orient its work internally, in the service of private goals. In an effort to
move scholarship in that direction, Gordon and Babchuk (1959) proposed a
typology that classified both instrumental and expressive goals for voluntary
organizations. Building on this insight, Frumkin (2002) has highlighted the
supply-side nature of ideas about social problems with resources from volun-
teers, donors, and other social entrepreneurs. While adding necessary com-
plexity to our understanding of this diverse sector, these perspectives both
maintain the assumption of a public, external target for a nonprofit organiza-
tion’s work, either through the instrumental efforts at social entrepreneurship
or more expressive, faith-based work.
To begin to address this gap, I draw upon three scholarly antecedents from
organizational sociology. First, I analyze operative, rather than official, goals.
Acknowledging the official goal of nonprofit organizations—to contribute to
the public good—I use the concept of operative goals to designate the ends
sought through the actual operating policies of the organization (Perrow,
1961). The operative goals framework has strong utility in organizations
where there is a disconnect between assumed ends and witnessed means cou-
pled with difficulty in gaining access (Ermann, 1978).
Second, I identify the orientation of an organization’s operative goals, draw-
ing from Blau and Scott’s (1962) criterion of cui bono—who benefits? I ana-
lyze the relationship between the ends for which an organization exists—the
operative goals—and the means utilized to advance these goals. Specifically, I
examine the manner in which an organization is designed, through both struc-
ture and practices, developing a new framework to assist in this process.

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