Critical Mass Claims and Ideological Divides Among Women in the U.S. House of Representatives
| Author | Katherine Tate,Mary Arend |
| Published date | 01 July 2022 |
| Date | 01 July 2022 |
| DOI | http://doi.org/10.1177/1532673X221077931 |
| Subject Matter | Articles |
Article
American Politics Research
2022, Vol. 50(4) 479–487
© The Author(s) 2022
Article reuse guidelines:
sagepub.com/journals-permissions
DOI: 10.1177/1532673X221077931
journals.sagepub.com/home/apr
Critical Mass Claims and Ideological Divides
Among Women in the U.S. House of
Representatives
Katherine Tate
1
and Mary Arend
2
Abstract
Critical mass theories predict that women in government will sponsor and vote for more women and feminist bills as their
numbers increase. Using Voteview.com data of roll-call votes measuring left–right ideology from 1977 to 2019 this paper shows
that ideological divides among women in the U.S. House of Representatives have deepened rather than veered in a liberal
direction. Republican women have moved rightward over time and more conservative ones are winning elections. Belonging to
a politicized generation, older Silent Generation and Boomer women are more ideologically extreme than younger women.
Parties are also elevating their more ideological female members. As their numbers increase, female House members are
expected to remain ideologically diverse in a polarized legislative environment. Critical mass theories are deficient in failing to
place female political actors in a dynamic workplace.
Keywords
congress, critical mass, incorporation, political party, women
In this article, we are interested in the political socialization of
women in Congress and the way that the institution affects
their legislative behavior. Women are socialized to be more
caring than men, and this also influences their political be-
havior, it is argued. Women enter government having a liberal
perspective based on gender experiences that pushes them to
advocate for women’s issues (Dittmar et al., 2018;Swers,
2002). These two facts, gender socialization and gendered
experiences, explain women’s liberal legislative record.
However, will each generation of political women enter
government with a strong gender identity that promotes
liberal politics? It is assumed that women’s political liber-
alism intensifies as the proportion of women increases in
Washington. The logic is taken from Rosabeth Moss Kanter’s
(1977) study of women in corporations. When women reach a
“critical mass”in government their politics will be visibly
more pro-women rights and liberal. Women, already self-
conscious of their gender, see each other as potential alli es,
and strategically group together under a critical mass sce-
nario. Women in larger numbers also become strong enough
to influence the legislative culture making it more receptive to
women-friendly bills (Childs & Krook, 2008;Dahlerup,
2006).
Scholars argue that there needed to be a critical mass of
women for women lawmakers, perhaps around 12–15% of
the legislative body, before they are willing to speak out
forcefully on women’s rights (Thomas, 1994). Women
represented over 12% in 1997 and over 15% of the U.S.
House by 2005. In general, however, no threshold number has
been established as necessary for women to attain greater
substantive representation (Beckwith & Cowell-Meyers,
2007;Grey, 2006).
Evidence for a critical mass theory is mixed. In state
governments where the proportion of women are high,
women’s issues were most evident (Thomas, 1994). Female
judges serving with other female judges in their cities ad-
judicated in a more liberal direction than men presumably
because of their interaction with each other (Collins et al.,
2010; see also Scheurer, 2014). However, a study of female
judges in Canada found no critical mass effect on their
decision-making (Johnson et al., 2011). Other work exam-
ining the legislative politics of the New Hampshire state
Senate, which in 2009, became the first chamber to have a
female majority found that women were no more likely to
pursue a women’s agenda with that majority than in other
sessions (Schilling & Osborn, 2020). These women
1
Department of Political Science, Brown University, Irvine, CA, USA
2
Brown University, Providence, RI, USA
Corresponding Author:
Katherine Tate, Department of Political Science, Brown University, 3151
Social Science Plaza, Irvine, CA 92697-5100, USA.
Email: katherine_tate@brown.edu
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