Criminal Thinking, Psychiatric Symptoms, and Recovery Attitudes Among Community Mental Health Patients: An Examination of Program Placement

AuthorStephanie A. Van Horn,Robert D. Morgan,Nicole R. Bartholomew,Sean M. Mitchell
DOI10.1177/0093854817734007
Date01 February 2018
Published date01 February 2018
Subject MatterArticles
https://doi.org/10.1177/0093854817734007
CRIMINAL JUSTICE AND BEHAVIOR, 2018, Vol. 45, No. 2, February 2018, 195 –213.
DOI: 10.1177/0093854817734007
© 2017 International Association for Correctional and Forensic Psychology
195
CRIMINAL THINKING, PSYCHIATRIC
SYMPTOMS, AND RECOVERY ATTITUDES
AMONG COMMUNITY MENTAL HEALTH
PATIENTS
An Examination of Program Placement
NICOLE R. BARTHOLOMEW
Federal Bureau of Prisons
ROBERT D. MORGAN
SEAN M. MITCHELL
STEPHANIE A. VAN HORN
Texas Tech University
Research suggests it is important to consider criminogenic needs among individuals with severe mental illness. This study
aimed to determine the severity of criminal thinking in community-based clinical samples, understand the association
between criminal thinking and psychiatric and criminal justice outcomes, and compare these associations between consumers
enrolled in Assertive Community Treatment (ACT) and Forensic Assertive Community Treatment (FACT) programs.
Participants (N = 234) were male and female consumers enrolled in ACT and FACT programs in five states. Results revealed
no significant differences in criminal thinking when comparing participants by program type or history of criminal justice
involvement. There were significant positive relations between general criminal thinking and psychiatric symptomatology
and the number of lifetime arrests, a negative association between recovery attitudes and general criminal thinking, and ACT
participants reported a greater number of lifetime psychiatric hospitalizations than FACT participants. Result implications are
discussed with specific reference to treatment programming.
Keywords: criminal thinking; recovery attitudes; criminal justice involvement; psychiatric symptoms
People who engage in crime evidence thinking styles that support and reinforce antiso-
cial behaviors such as manipulation, impulsivity, and irresponsibility (Walters, 1990;
Yochelson & Samenow, 1976). Andrews and Bonta (2010) identified criminal thinking as
one of the “Big Four” risk factors that increase one’s likelihood of engaging in criminal
AUTHORS’ NOTE: Opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily repre-
sent the opinions of the Federal Bureau of Prisons or the Department of Justice. This project was funded by the
Center for Behavioral Health Services & Criminal Justice Research. Correspondence concerning this article
should be addressed to Nicole R. Bartholomew, Federal Medical Center Carswell, P.O. Box 27066 –“J” St.,
Bldg. 3000, Fort Worth, TX 76127; e-mail: lnb4023@gmail.com.
734007CJBXXX10.1177/0093854817734007Criminal Justice and BehaviorBartholomew et al. / Criminal Thinking in a Community
research-article2017
196 CRIMINAL JUSTICE AND BEHAVIOR
behavior. Criminal thinking not only contributes to engagement in criminal behavior, but
also influences prolonged and persistent involvement in criminal activity. Specifically, “a
criminal belief system supports the evolving criminal lifestyle by shielding it from the light
of corrective environmental experience” (Walters, 2006, p. 5). Research has begun to exam-
ine the role of criminal thinking in the disproportionate involvement of persons with mental
illness (PMI) in the criminal justice (CJ) system; however, the severity of criminal thinking
and its association with psychiatric and criminal justice outcomes remains unclear.
Research with CJ populations has found that PMI who are incarcerated evidenced crimi-
nal thinking styles that were consistent with nonmentally ill offenders (Morgan, Fisher,
Duan, Mandracchia, & Murray, 2010; Wilson et al., 2014; Wolff, Morgan, & Shi, 2013;
Wolff, Morgan, Shi, Huening, & Fisher, 2011). In addition, the psychiatric symptomatology
of the incarcerated PMI was similar to that of inpatient psychiatric samples (Morgan et al.,
2010; Wolff et al., 2011). Furthermore, PMI admitted to a short-term psychiatric facility
with a history of, but no current, CJ involvement reported criminal thinking similar to incar-
cerated PMI (Gross & Morgan, 2013). Finally, Girard and Wormith (2004) found that CJ
involved PMI evidenced higher total scores on the General Risk/Need scale of the Level of
Service Inventory/Case Management Inventory (LS/CMI; a commonly used measure of
criminal risk assessment; Andrews, Bonta, & Wormith, 2004) than CJ involved individuals
without mental illness. Taken together, it appears that PMI who are CJ involved “are both
mentally ill psychiatric patients and criminals” (Morgan et al., 2010, p. 333) with complex
criminogenic and mental health treatment needs.
Interestingly, criminal thinking may be a psychiatric risk factor for PMI who are not CJ
involved. For example, civil psychiatric patients scored significantly higher on five out of
eight criminal thinking style scales than an incarcerated sample without mental illness
(Carr, Rosenfeld, Magyar, & Rotter, 2009). This increased severity of criminal thinking
among PMI appears to affect both CJ and psychiatric outcomes (e.g., reincarceration or
psychiatric rehospitalization). When compared with offenders without mental illness, PMI
who are placed on community supervision (i.e., parole) after being released from a correc-
tional facility are significantly more likely to recidivate (i.e., continue criminal behavior
resulting in an arrest and/or reincarceration; Messina, Burdon, Hagopian, & Prendergast,
2004). Similarly, it is estimated that approximately 53% of PMI released from mental health
facilities psychiatrically recidivate (i.e., decompensate and are consequently readmitted to
a mental health facility) within 12 months of being discharged (Millman, 1993; Segal &
Burgess, 2006). The increased risk for criminal recidivism and the high rate of psychiatric
recidivism may be attributable to shared risk factors that affect both criminal and psychiat-
ric recovery. For example, PMI receiving community mental health services attributed fac-
tors such as unemployment, lack of education, lack of housing, and economic difficulties as
contributing to their likelihood of psychiatric recidivism (Mgustshini, 2010), and these fac-
tors also correspond to risk factors used to predict criminal behavior (Andrews & Bonta,
2010; Draine, Salzer, Culhane, & Hadley, 2002). In addition, incarcerated PMI were found
to have psychiatric hospitalization rates that were three times higher than PMI who were not
CJ involved (Fisher et al., 2002), suggesting a unique feature that may increase the potential
for psychiatric hospitalization.
Given the poor CJ and psychiatric outcomes related to traditional mental health treat-
ment, treatment programs that address both criminogenic (e.g., substance abuse, emotion
management, criminal attitudes, criminal associates) and psychiatric (e.g., mental illness

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