Criminal Enforcement of Section 2 of the Sherman Act: An Empirical Assessment

AuthorDaniel A. Crane
PositionFrederick Paul Furth, Sr. Professor of Law, University of Michigan
Pages753-778
CRIMINAL ENFORCEMENT OF SECTION 2 OF THE
SHERMAN ACT: AN EMPIRICAL ASSESSMENT
D
ANIEL
A. C
RANE
*
In early 2022, the new leadership of the Justice Department’s Antitrust Di-
vision made waves by announcing that the DOJ would consider bringing
criminal cases for monopolization under Section 2 of the Sherman Act. This
dramatic change in policy—Section 2 has not been criminally enforced in
decades—was first announced in a speech in March by Deputy Assistant At-
torney General Richard Powers,
1
asserted again a month later in another
speech by Assistant Attorney General Jonathan Kanter,
2
and then confirmed
in an updated Antitrust Division Manual released in April.
3
If the point was to get the attention of the defense bar and the companies
they represent, these bombshell announcements succeeded. Defense-oriented
law firms rushed to release a slew of client alerts, warning of a “significant
departure from modern DOJ criminal antitrust enforcement policy,”
4
and a
* Frederick Paul Furth, Sr. Professor of Law, University of Michigan. Many thanks to Shay
Elbaum and the research team at the University of Michigan Law Library for copiously pulling
together the database of cases from which this article’s findings are drawn. Wesley Ward pro-
vided excellent research assistance.
1
Kathryn Hellings & Daniel Shulak, Head of DOJ Criminal Antitrust Unit Says that Crimi-
nal Monopolization Cases May Be on the Horizon, H
OGAN
L
OVELLS
:E
NGAGE
(Mar. 3, 2022).
2
Jonathan Kanter, Assistant Att’y Gen., U.S. Dep’t of Justice Antitrust Division, Opening
Remarks at 2022 Spring Enforcers Summit (Apr. 4, 2022).
3
Compare U.S. D
EP
TOF
J
USTICE
, A
NTITRUST
D
IVISION
M
ANUAL
§ 7-2.200 (2022) (“[The
Justice Department] may also bring, and has brought, criminal charges under Section 2.”), with
U.S. D
EP
TOF
J
USTICE
, A
NTITRUST
D
IVISION
M
ANUAL
§ III-12 (2015) (“In general, current Divi-
sion policy is to proceed by criminal investigation and prosecution in cases involving horizontal,
per se unlawful agreements such as price fixing, bid rigging, and customer and territorial
allocations.”).
4
Sydney Cooper et al., Monopolists Going “Directly to Jail?” DOJ Announces Intent to
Criminally Prosecute Section 2 Violations, JDS
UPRA
(Mar. 9, 2022), www.jdsupra.com/
legalnews/monopolists-going-directly-to-jail-doj-3688936.
753
754
A
NTITRUST
L
AW
J
OURNAL
[Vol. 84
“surprising”
5
and “significant policy shift”
6
with “far-reaching” implications.
7
And, although the Justice Department has not yet identified possible targets, it
is no secret that the Biden administration has ongoing monopolization cases
against Google and Facebook, has investigations open as to other Big Tech
companies as well, and generally takes the position that Section 2 has been
dramatically underenforced and that a reckoning is due.
8
Whatever the administration’s plans, and whatever the policy considera-
tions of bringing criminal monopolization cases, it is clear that historical pre-
cedent will play a considerable role in arguments for and against a renewed
regime of criminal enforcement. In response to assertions that criminal Sec-
tion 2 enforcement would constitute a dramatic break with precedent, the ad-
ministration answers that criminal monopolization enforcement was once
standard practice and that the last several decades of non-enforcement are the
aberration. In a June 7, 2022 speech, Deputy AAG Powers defended the pos-
sibility of bringing criminal monopolization cases as “‘not a novel idea or
theory’” but one that represents a revival of previous agency practice.
9
He
added: “Historically, the antitrust division did not shy away from bringing
criminal monopolization charges when companies and executives committed
flagrant offenses intended to monopolize markets . . . and by my count, the
Justice Department has brought over 100 criminal monopolization cases.”
10
So, what exactly is the historical record on criminal Section 2 enforcement?
Surprisingly, there is no source authoritatively compiling the record. In con-
trast to Mr. Powers’ assertion of over 100 cases, a study in 2002 reported 87
criminal monopolization cases, without providing any significant detail about
them.
11
Estimates of when the last criminal monopolization case was brought
have varied, with one scholar asserting that “[t]he last major criminal monop-
5
Lindsey Olson Collins & Ann M. O’Brien, Antitrust Division Announces Newfound Intent
to Pursue Monopolization Cases Criminally, B
AKER
& H
OSTETLER
(Mar. 4, 2022).
6
Hellings & Shulak, supra note 1 (“Powers’ statement represents a significant Antitrust Divi-
sion policy shift[.]”).
7
Nicholas J. Giles et al., DOJ Signals Intent to Bring Criminal Charges for Monopolization,
M
C
G
UIRE
W
OODS
(Mar. 7, 2022).
8
See Exec. Order No. 14036, 86 Fed. Reg. 36,987 (July 9, 2021) (“Promoting Competition in
the American Economy”).
9
Michael Acton, US DOJ’s Exploration of Criminal Charges for Monopoly Breaches Fol-
lows Decades of Underenforcement, Powers Says, M
LEX
(June 7, 2022).
10
Id.
11
Robert W. Crandall, The Failure of Structural Remedies in Sherman Act Monopolization
Cases, 80 O
R
. L. R
EV
. 109, 115–16 (2001) (“To construct the database of monopolization cases,
I assembled all the relevant cases from the CCH Abstracts from 1890 to 1996. Of the more than
4,000 entries, I found 423 cases for which sufficient information was available and that met the
initial criteria—a consent decree or a finding against the defendants in a monopolization case
brought by the government. Of the 423 monopolization cases, eighty-seven were criminal cases
and 336 were civil cases. All eighty-seven criminal cases resulted in monetary fines.”).

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