Corruption, Elite Contestation, and Parliaments: Why Do Legislatures Become Stronger in Authoritarian Regimes?

Published date01 March 2024
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1177/10659129231205296
AuthorFelix Wiebrecht
Date01 March 2024
Subject MatterArticles
Article
Political Research Quarterly
2024, Vol. 77(1) 255–269
© The Author(s) 2023
Article reuse guidelines:
sagepub.com/journals-permissions
DOI: 10.1177/10659129231205296
journals.sagepub.com/home/prq
Corruption, Elite Contestation, and
Parliaments: Why Do Legislatures Become
Stronger in Authoritarian Regimes?
Felix Wiebrecht
1
Abstract
A growing body of literature studies the personalization of power in authoritarian regimes. Yet, how institutions can
become a credible constraint to dictatorial rule is less widely studied. I theorize that corruption is a key factor
associated with stronger legislatures in authoritarian regimes. By engaging in corruption, authoritarian elites in
ruling coalitions can build up networks of support and inf‌luence and ultimately, use their elevated position to impel
more legislative powers vis-`
a-vis the executive. Examining panel data on the strength of legislatures in authoritarian
regimes between 1946 and 2010, I show empirically that authoritarian parliaments are stronger when levels of
corruption in a given regime are high. The link between corruption and legislative strength is especially strong in the
Middle East and Africa, and primarily applies to party-based and military dictatorships. More competitive electoral
and legislative processes, however, do not uniformly affect parliaments’strength. These f‌indings contribute to our
understanding of institutional changes in autocracies and highlight the centrality of elite contestations in determining
institutional trajectories.
Keywords
authoritarianism, legislatures, corruption, institutional development, elites
Introduction
The last decade has seen several authoritarian leaders
personalizing power such as Putin in Russia, Erdogan in
Turkey, and Xi in China. It is, therefore, no surprise that
recent research has widely studied the personalization of
power in autocracies and highlighted its (negative)
consequences on regime survival, leader survival, and
repression (e.g., Frantz et al. 2020;Grundholm 2020;
Chin et al. 2022). A related pressing issue is how to
credibly constrain dictators and prevent them from
centralizing power in the f‌irst place. Here, especially the
role of institutions such as parliaments remains debated
among scholars.
1
While some characterize them as
crucial for restraining dictators and providing a forum
for elite bargaining (e.g., Svolik 2012), others dismiss
their usefulness or even view them as “rubberstamps”
(e.g., Brancati 2014;Meng 2020).
Yet, the strength of legislatures, that is, parliaments’
powers vis-`
a-vis the executive, and therefore, their ability
to effectively constrain dictators, differs remarkably (e.g.,
Fish 2006;Barkan 2009) with important policy impli-
cations, for instance, for regimes’economic growth and
investment (e.g., Wright 2008;Jensen et al. 2014;
Bonvecchi and Simison 2021). While the cross-regime
differences in legislative strength are increasingly well
understood (e.g., Wilson and Woldense 2019;Wiebrecht
2021), there is no reason to assume that legislatures’
strength remains constant once established. Yet, research
has not advanced to explain the temporal dimension of
authoritarian parliaments’power cross-nationally. In other
words, why do legislatures become stronger (or weaker)
over time under authoritarianism? Cases from regimes as
diverse as the German Democratic Republic (Schirmer
2002), Saudi Arabia (Seznec 2002), Myanmar (Egreteau
2019), Zambia (Opalo 2019), as well as Tanzania (Collord
2022), illustrate that legislatures’institutionalization and
strengthening is an empirical reality that warrants further
analysis.
1
University of Liverpool, Liverpool, UK
Corresponding Author:
Felix Wiebrecht, Department of Politics, University of Liverpool, 8-14
Abercromby Square, Liverpool L69 7WZ, UK.
Email: Felix.wiebrecht@liverpool.ac.uk

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