Contemporary Assessment of the United States and China Naval Vision for the Indian Ocean Region (IOR)
| Published date | 01 May 2021 |
| Author | W. Fernald Lloyd,Azeem Gul,Riaz Ahmad |
| Date | 01 May 2021 |
| DOI | http://doi.org/10.1002/pa.2573 |
COMMENTARY
Contemporary Assessment of the United States and China
Naval Vision for the Indian Ocean Region (IOR)
W. Fernald Lloyd
1,2
| Azeem Gul
3
| Riaz Ahmad
4
1
Dean of Graduate Studies, Orlando
University, Orlando, FL
2
Management Department, College of
Business, University of Central Florida,
Orlando, FL
3
Lecturer in the Department of International
Relations, Muslim Youth University, Islamabad
and PhD scholar at Quaid-i-Azam University,
Islamabad., 40, Islamabad, Pakistan
4
School of Public Policy and Administration,
Xi'ian Jiaotong University, Xi'an, Shaanxi,
China
Correspondence
W. Fernald Lloyd, Dean of Graduate Studies,
Orlando University, 11325 Lake Underhill
Road, Suite 102, Orlando, FL 32825, Professor
Emeritus, Management Department, College
of Business, University of Central Florida,
P.O. Box 161400, Orlando, FL 32816-1400.
This article initially explores how China shapes its modern naval presence in the
Indian Ocean Region (IOR), while sustaining a world-wide economic reach. Attention
is drawn to sea power as an integral component of national development and global
influence. Second, it discusses the United States and India engagement in the IOR
because of China's increasing demand for energy. The latter has resulted in the Peo-
ple's Liberation Army advancement of navigation around the Hormuz and Malacca
Straits. Third, it reviews India and Japan's territorial rivalries, which are used by the
United States to watch Beijing's emerging power around the Islands, seas, and checks
points. Finally, the article shows how political leaders shape sea power as part of
their national power.
1|INTRODUCTION
China has carefully observed what has occurred in the IOR since the
quadrilateral security dialogues, called Quad. Quad includes the
United States, India, Japan, and Australia. Beijing has developed simi-
lar maritime frameworks to strengthen the People's Liberation Navy
into the Western Pacific. China, the United States, and its key strate-
gic partners, have long been enmeshed with the geostrategic and geo-
political dynamics in the area. Examples include India's continuing
border war, started in 1962, Washington's fears about China's activi-
ties in the South China Sea (SCS) and Japan's rivalry over the South
Pacific islands. This concern has led to a new view about China's com-
petition with the United States, Japan, and India over the control of
the IOR. It is exacerbated by maritime choke points considered as vital
according to maritime strategists. These points include the small
Malacca region in the East, the narrow strip of Hormuz in the West
and Bal el-Mandebin in the IOR.
In the import and export of goods from one region to another,
states have been dependent on the sea since the birth of shipping
systems. Ships navigate on the routes at sea because they are
cheaper economically than land routes. Modern studies on sea
routes have identified many vital security points such as Malacca
and Hormuz.
“Whoever is lord of Malacca has his hand on the throat
of Venice.”“If the world is an egg, Hormuz would be
its yolk.”(Kaplan, 2009, pp.19-20)
The marine choke point of Malacca has become a vital strategic
component because of its capacity to allow trading activity. More
than 40 % of items of strategic significance pass through its channel
daily. Forty percent of the crude oil trade passes through Hormuz.
The increased demand of oil imports through these points is the result
of increasing consumption both in China and India. Records show that
both India and China have increased energy consumption from 2006
to 2030 by 45 % (Kaplan, 2009).
2|REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
2.1 |The strategic significance of the Indian Ocean
Each day, 32.2 barre ls of crude oil pass th rough the Indian Ocea n,
which makes up 50% of the m aritime oil trade. T he Indian Ocean
itself produces 40% of the world's offshore petroleum. Its coasts
are rich in minerals, wh ich are used for domest ic consumption.
The Indian Ocean is impor tant strategically f or many major powers
Received: 27 November 2020 Accepted: 27 November 2020
DOI: 10.1002/pa.2573
J Public Affairs. 2021;21:e2573. wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/pa © 2021 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd 1of6
https://doi.org/10.1002/pa.2573
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