The Consequences of Legislative Professionalism in U.S. State Legislatures: A Review

Published date01 September 2023
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1177/0160323X231167614
AuthorMichael S. Rocca,Timothy B. Krebs,Dylan McArthur
Date01 September 2023
Subject MatterOriginal Research General Interest Articles
https://doi.org/10.1177/0160323X231167614
State and Local Government Review
2023, Vol. 55(3) 235 –258
© The Author(s) 2023
Article reuse guidelines:
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DOI: 10.1177/0160323X231167614
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Original Research General Interest Article
As polarization and gridlock continues to grip
national politics, Americans are increasingly
looking to states to remedy the nation’s most
significant challenges. The burden has fallen to
the states to address complex issues such as
health care, immigration, infrastructure, voting
rights, energy, and the environment. Indeed,
states’ responses to our most recent crisis—the
coronavirus pandemic—illustrates just how
consequential state-level policy making and
implementation are for the average American.
Attention on states has become even more rele-
vant in recent months as the Supreme Court’s
new conservative majority begins to assert its
influence on matters of federalism, such as in
the 2022 landmark decision Dobbs v. Jackson
Women’s Health Organization that turned abor-
tion policy over to the states.
But this was not always the case. In the
1960s, state governments—particularly their
legislatures—were in crisis. Few legislatures
had the capacity to address the daunting issues
that were creating massive political, social,
and economic unrest in American states and
cities. The New York Times Magazine famously
referred to them as a study in slow motion that
“lumber about their business with all the grace
and efficiency of a dinosaur” (Desmond 1955,
15). The Times was among the cacophony of
calls to reform legislatures’ many “obsolete
features” that result in sessions that are a
“recurrent, unavoidable public calamity” (p.
15). For example, professional organizations
1167614SLGXXX10.1177/0160323X231167614State and Local Government ReviewRocca et al.
research-article2023
1Department of Political Science, Albuquerque, NM, USA
Corresponding Author:
Michael S. Rocca, Department of Political Science, 1
University of New Mexico, MSC05-3070, Albuquerque,
NM 87131-0001, USA.
Email: msrocca@unm.edu
The Consequences of Legislative
Professionalism in U.S. State
Legislatures: A Review
Michael S. Rocca1, Timothy B. Krebs1,
and Dylan McArthur1
Abstract
As polarization and gridlock continues to grip national politics, Americans are increasingly looking
to states to remedy the nation’s most significant challenges. But this was not always the case.
Americans are increasingly looking to states to remedy the nation’s most significant challenges. But
this was not always the case. In the 1960s, state governments—particularly their legislatures—were
in crisis. Few legislatures had the capacity to address the daunting issues that were creating massive
political, social, and economic unrest in American states and cities. After decades of reforms
to address these issues, and the studies of legislative reform that followed, we can make some
conclusions about the consequences of legislative professionalization. The purpose of this paper is
to present the key findings from work dedicated to the study of these consequences.
Keywords
legislative professionalism, state legislatures, legislative capacity
236 State and Local Government Review 55(3)
such as the Council of State Governments in
1946 (Council of State Governments 1946),
the American Political Science Association in
1954 (Zeller 1954), the National Legislative
Conference in 1961 (National Legislative
Conference 1961), and the Citizens Conference
on State Legislatures in 1971 were among
those who called for strengthening state legis-
latures (Citizens Conference on State
Legislatures, 1971).
While state scholars had long been interested
in the subject of legislative professionalism
(e.g., Caldwell 1947; Harris 1947; Perkins
1946), renewed interest in the subject emerged
in the 1970s after some states took up the call to
strengthen their legislature (e.g., Herzberg and
Rosenthal 1971; Kennedy 1970; Ritt 1973;
Rosenthal 1974; Smith and Lyons 1977; Sittig
1977). One of those states was California. In
what Kousser (2005) calls a “watershed moment
in the process of professionalization,” California
passed Proposition 1A in 1966 (Kousser 2005,
12). Legendary CA Assembly Speaker Jesse
Unruh (D-CA) championed the initiative that
gave the legislature control over its session cal-
endar and salaries. While not the first state to
attempt to modernize its legislature, California
provided a blueprint for other states to follow,
ushering in a wave of legislative reforms across
the country.1 But as Kousser (2005) also notes,
professionalization did not come in just one
burst; instead, the process was incremental with
varying timelines across states (see also King
2000). Furthermore, reforms did not follow a
linear path toward increasing professionalism.
Rather, some sets of reforms aimed to roll back
previous eras’ efforts to professionalize, often in
response to public criticism of overly entrenched
politicians. California’s adoption of term limits
through Proposition 140 in 1990 is an example
of one such rollback following years of increas-
ing professionalism in the CA legislature.2
After almost a century of reforms and analy-
ses from scholars of state legislatures that fol-
lowed, we can make some conclusions about the
consequences of legislative professionalization.
The purpose of this paper is to present the key
findings from work dedicated to the study of leg-
islative professionalization. We review decades
of scholarly work on the subject and are prepared
to offer some conclusions. Some consequences
are clear; others are less so. This paper is orga-
nized into three sections. First, we discuss the
definition and measures of legislative profession-
alism. Second, we present key findings from
decades of academic research on legislative pro-
fessionalism and its consequences. Finally, we
offer some concluding thoughts to guide any
future conversations about the merits of profes-
sionalizing state legislatures.
Measuring Professionalism
Legislative professionalism refers to the
“enhancement of the capacity of the legislature
to perform its role in the policy-making pro-
cess” (Mooney 1994, 70–71). Or, according to
political scientists Peverill Squire and Gary
Moncrief, legislative professionalism “assesses
the capacity of both legislator and legislatures
to generate and digest information in the policy-
making process” (Squire and Moncrief 2020,
62). While there is considerable agreement on
its definition and measures (discussed below),
the term “legislative professionalism” can cre-
ate confusion if not carefully applied. As Alan
Rosenthal, a prominent scholar of state legisla-
tures,3 details, “professionalism” can refer
either to the attributes of the legislative institu-
tion or the characteristics of the people who
serve in the legislature; frequently it refers to
both (Rosenthal 1998, 55). It should be noted
that “professionalism” is not meant to suggest a
degree of competency or skill. Rather, the term
is used to characterize the capacity of legisla-
tures and the degree to which legislators’ pri-
mary career is as a legislator.
In terms of a legislature’s level of profession-
alism, the key concept is “capacity.” A profes-
sional legislature is one that has the capacity to
legislate. The basic logic is that more profes-
sional legislatures are better equipped to play an
active role in policymaking than their less well-
equipped counterparts (Squire and Moncrief
2020). How do we identify professional legisla-
tures? While some scholars categorize state leg-
islatures into groups with different levels of
professionalism (e.g., Kurtz 1992), the most
common approach to measuring professional-
ism has been to use a single variable as a proxy

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