Conflict and control in the contemporary workplace: Structured antagonism revisited

Published date01 May 2022
AuthorPaul Edwards,Andy Hodder
Date01 May 2022
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/irj.12363
ORIGINAL ARTICLE
Conflict and control in the contemporary
workplace: Structured antagonism revisited
Paul Edwards|Andy Hodder
Birmingham Business School, University
of Birmingham, Birmingham, UK
Correspondence
Andy Hodder, Reader in Employment
Relations, Birmingham Business School,
University of Birmingham, Birmingham
B15 2TT, UK.
Email: a.j.hodder@bham.ac.uk
Abstract
The concept of a structured antagonism lying at the
heart of the employment relationship is widely cited
but also commonly misinterpreted. The paper firstly
returns to the origin of the concept to locate its
approach to workplace industrial relations. It forms
part of labour process analysis, within which its distinct
emphasis is two-fold: a focus on levels of analysis, such
that the connections between the underlying antago-
nism and concrete behaviour can be interrogated; and
a preference for comparative analysis, which allows the
relevant processes to be identified. In this paper, we
apply these themes to contemporary workplaces such
as those in the gig economy. Recent research demon-
strates substantial empirical and theoretical progress
but can be taken further using the above two ideas. A
methodological checklist emerges to guide a future pro-
gramme of research.
Without being aware of it himself, he was a thorough materialist.(Wilkie Collins,
The Haunted Hotel [1889; Vintage edition, London, 2015, p. 138])
1|INTRODUCTION
The concept of the structured antagonism(SA) lying at the basis of the employment relation-
ship was introduced in 1986, though its origin was in 1982 (Edwards, 1986; Edwards &
DOI: 10.1111/irj.12363
This is an open access article under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits use, distrib ution and
reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
© 2022 The Authors. Industrial Relations Journal published by Brian Towers (BRITOW) and John Wiley & Sons Ltd.
220 Ind. Relat. 2022;53:220240.
wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/irj
Scullion, 1982). This paper reviews the usage of the concept since that time, for two reasons.
Firstly, given widespread use of the term, we assess its application. We take the opportunity to
spell out the core of the idea, for as pointed out elsewhere (Edwards, 2018) it has been misun-
derstood. A telling example of such misunderstanding is a Marxist-influenced treatment of
power, which cites Edwards (1986) and also Burawoy (1979) as writers who address how class
struggle is shaped by various specific forces, and not that struggle itself (Palermo, 2019).
Burawoy of course went to great lengths to ground his ethnographic studies in a theory of the
specificities of the capitalist labour relation, for example, its contrasts with feudalism; the SA
concept (SAC) operated in a similar way. Secondly, we address the contemporary workplace
and ask two questions. How far does the SAC, developed on the basis of manual jobs in facto-
ries, apply to very different settings such as the gig economy and help us to understand the
nature of controland resistance? And how does it help us methodologically, that is, does it
help us to ask specific questions in addition to saying that the SA is built into the labour rela-
tion as a constant?
The paper builds on extant labour process analysis (LPA). While LPA has led to vast
amounts of research, two reviews in particular stand out. The first, by Thompson (2016),
makes two main points. Firstly, he addresses accounts of control and resistance from a
Foucauldian point of view, showing that they tend to treat any form of questioning of a
current order as resistance so that too many things have been lumped and linked together
under the category (p. 107).
1
LPA, and within in the SAC, by contrast, locates resistance in
the character of the employment relationship. Managers may in some sense resist what
they are asked to do, but they are not engaged in struggle across the effort bargain, only in
relation to the terms of their own role on one side of the divide. We thus treat resistance
as some effort, not necessarily wholly conscious, to alter the terms of the reward-effort bar-
gain in one's own favour, recognising that resistance is not a discrete thingand that it
emerges from a complex of work relations. Secondly, Thompson provides abundant evi-
dence that contemporary workers engage in struggles over the terms of their labour and
identifies new methods such as social media for organising to do so.
2
He does not, how-
ever, offer any heuristic methods to dissect specific cases. In other words, what questions
should someone armed with the SAC ask in order to characterise and explain a workplace
regime? We look at contemporary studies in light of this question.
The second review, by Joyce and Stuart (2021), lays out a labour process approach and pro-
vides a comprehensive survey of work in the gig or platform economy. They demonstrate, for
example, how workers can respond to algorithmic control by deploying a form of output
restrictiona long-noted practice (e.g., Lupton, 1963). They also draw out distinct features of
control systems such as close methods of measurement and control and information
asymmetries between workers and the platforms (e.g., Veen et al., 2020) and identify three
forms of worker resistance. There are two limitations. Firstly, the authors say that LPA insists
on a dynamic of control and resistancea point that Foucauldians would gleefully identify as
reflecting dualism. In fact, as their empirical review shows, studies demonstrate that managers
seek consent as well as control and that workers obey as well as resist, in a complex negotiation
of order. Secondly, it is not the authors' intention to spell out the conditions that, for example,
lead to informal collective action or more organised resistance. It may well be that a range of
evidence is not yet available for such an analysis; generations of prior studies allowed, for exam-
ple, some conclusions about the meaning and causes of output restriction while leaving unan-
swered questions (Edwards, 1986, pp. 269278). We suggest below how analysis on these lines
might proceed.
CONFLICT AND CONTROL IN THE CONTEMPORARY WORKPLACE221

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