Comments on David Rapoport: “Moses, Charisma, and Covenant”

AuthorReinhard Bendix
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1177/106591297903200204
Published date01 June 1979
Date01 June 1979
Subject MatterArticle
COMMENTS ON
DAVID
RAPOPORT:
“MOSES,
CHARISMA,
AND
COVENANT”
REINHARD
BENDIX
University of California, Berkeley
HERE
is much to ponder in Professor Rapoport’s paper, especially by those
who are close students of the Biblical text. My comments are those of
a
T
comparativist with an interest in IYeber’s work who has some misgivinss
about Rapoport’s interpretation. Perhaps alternative perspectives are worth men-
tioning just because Rapoport states his thesis clearly
so
that we must grapple
with it.
The
author emphasizes the double election of
Moses,
by
YHWH
and by Israel.
This phenomenon is not unique, though the Judaism which developed from it
clearly is. Evidence from old Germanic
law,
the Icelandic sagas, and no doubt
other sources suggests that chieftans typically came from kinship groups considered
charismatically endowed
so
that hereditary succession was believed to preserve the
kin-group’s special relation with
the
tribal deity
(or
deities). Since most leading
families had some spccial relations with the transcendent powers,
a
choice among
them (and among their respective descendants) had to be made. That choice fre-
quently involved
a
“double election” like the one Rapoport describes; namely,
a
search for special signs pointing to one kin-group in preference to
all
others and
an
act
of
acclamation by the leading elders of the tribe who presumably debated their
choice before in
a
manner that combined religious
awe
concerning the “sign” with
more pra,matic considerations of suitability.’ Something like this seems reflected
in the endowment of seventy elders with
YHlW’s
special “gifts,” since among
people with
an
acute sense of the higher powers the “right” choice can only be an
inspired one.
Many
writers have commented critically on Weber’s failure to distinguish
between leadership and charisma, but it seems more important to me to emphasize,
as
Rapoport does, the significance of the message rather than the personality.
Whether this more appropriate emphasis is then still
a
critique of \Veber,
I
am
less
sure, since after
all
it
can
hardly be said that he neglected the doctrinal aspects of
religious movements. There is more weight to Rapoport’s criticism that Weber
understates the crucial role of Moses. In the index to
Economy and
Society
there
are
five references to haoses, but eighteen to hliohammad, and over twenty to
Christ, twenty-two to Confucianism, and twenty-six to Buddhism. In Weber’s
whole discussion prophetic lawgivers are understated, not only
Moses,
but Solon
and Lycurgus
as
well.
A
proximate explanation might be that these figures did not
loom large in Weber‘s imagination because the idea of
a
people’s covenant with
God
as
the foundation of
a
politico-religious community is exceptional.
As
a
com-
parativist student of world religions, he was clearIy more interested in the founders
of
different religions who did not
also
found political communities. It is known
that when he died at fifty-six he was planning
a
work on Islam,
a
second well-
documented instance of
a
prophetic founding of
a
politico-religious community;
and one cannot know whether such
a
study might have prompted him to revise
his earlier views of
Moses.
This
brings mc to the most critical point raised by Rapoport. Did Weber mis-
construe
the
concept of “charisma”
by
making it antithetical to tradition? Is not
Moses’ founding of Israel
as
a
politico-religious community based on
a
covenant
‘Relevant
materials
arc
found
in
JVilliam
Chaney,
The
Cult
of
Kingship in Anglo-Saxon
England
(1970),
Fritz
Kern,
Kingship and Law in the hiiddle Ages
(1970),
Jan
de
Vries,
Altgermanirche Religionsgeschichte
(
1956),
and other studies.

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