Clinton's protection racket.

AuthorMohr, Richard D.
PositionHealth care reform

The price of health-care "security"

A Sign

PRESIDENT CLINTON prefaced his September 22 televised speech to Congress on what he called the "principles" of his national health-care plan with a request for a moment of silence for the 47 people who earlier in the day had drowned in an Alabama bayou after a train derailment. It was a nice touch; it seemed a caring touch. But it was hardly an honest one. He failed to mention that the innocent victims had been killed by a federal bureaucracy: Amtrak. If federal bureaucracies can't run trains without killing masses of people, should we entrust our bodies to their care?

The speech proper began with Clinton showing the nation a freshly minted plastic card which all citizens and legal aliens would be required to carry. The card would guarantee health care, but it would also do something else. What "conservatives" even at the height of the McCarthy era could not mandate in the name of national security, with the stick of a national identity card, the Clinton health plan would achieve with the carrot of a health card: federal surveillance, placing every citizen at the call of government.

My chief worry about Clinton's national health-care plan is not its thinning effect on the nation's wallet. If taxes were all that it took to realize national health care, I'd be for it. But even if the numbers could magically add up, I'd still be against it. My worry is that the plan will reconfigure the way the country conceives of itself--that its costs will be to the nation's soul. In particular, I think the plan likely to have a devastating effect on civil liberties, those elusive and always fragile rights by which individual liberty is preserved and which the Declaration of Independence announced as the very purpose of good government: "to secure these rights governments were instituted among men." Clinton's health-care plan, I fear, is totalitarianism with a happy face.

Security as a Good

HEALTH CARD IN HAND, Clinton laid out the goal of the plan: to provide security. Everything else in the plan was to be evaluated based on whether it helped achieve this end. Clinton left vague--taking it as obvious--what sort of good security is. He wisely shied away from speaking of health-care security in the language of rights. For if health care is a right to demand things from government, absurd consequences follow. Suppose that some pill that costs $2 billion will save my life. If health care is a right, the government will have to provide it to me. But no one thinks I have any such legitimate claim on government. Health-care security is not a right.

But neither is security something that is simply good in itself. To suppose that security and its friends, permanence, unity, and order, are, without more, goods so great that the government may coercively impose them is a view that might properly be called aesthetic fascism. No, security is a good only because it enables people to carry out their life plans, the courses of action that they have chosen for themselves, and to carry out these plans in ways that respect other people's ability to do the same. No one can conceive or carry out a life plan in a state of chaos. Security is good to the extent that it promotes personal independence, the most important dimensions of which have constitutional standing in the fundamental rights of speech, religion, privacy, and due process.

This understanding of security gives us a yardstick for measuring the success of a health-care plan: Its cost cannot be the very things that justify its...

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