Civilian Contention in Civil War: How Ideational Factors Shape Community Responses to Armed Groups

Date01 September 2021
Published date01 September 2021
DOI10.1177/0010414020912285
Subject MatterArticles
2021, Vol. 54(10) 1849 –1884
https://doi.org/10.1177/0010414020912285
Comparative Political Studies
© The Author(s) 2020
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DOI: 10.1177/0010414020912285
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Article
Civilian Contention
in Civil War: How
Ideational Factors Shape
Community Responses
to Armed Groups
Juan Masullo1
Abstract
Why do some communities overtly declare their opposition to violent
groups, while others disguise it by engaging in seemingly unrelated activities?
Why do some communities manifest their dissent using nonviolent methods
instead of organizing violence of their own? I argue that ideational factors
are crucial to answering these questions: normative commitments can
restrict civilian contention to nonviolent forms of action, while exposure
to oppositional ideologies can push civilians toward more confrontational
forms of noncooperation with armed groups. Furthermore, I contend that
the role of political entrepreneurs activating and mobilizing this ideational
content is crucial for it to shape contention. I support this argument with
a wealth of microlevel evidence collected in various warzones in Colombia,
analyzed within a purposively designed comparative structure. My findings
support the growing conflict scholarship that stresses that ideology matters
in war, but extends its application beyond armed actors’ behavior to that of
civilian communities.
Keywords
civil war, civilian agency, civilian noncooperation, political entrepreneurs,
ideational factors
1University of Oxford, UK
Corresponding Author:
Juan Masullo, Department of Politics and International Relations, University of Oxford, Manor
Road Building, Office 162, Oxford OX1 3UQ, UK.
Email: juan.masullo@politics.ox.ac.uk
912285CPSXXX10.1177/0010414020912285Comparative Political StudiesMasullo
research-article2020
1850 Comparative Political Studies 54(10)
2 Comparative Political Studies 00(0)
Introduction
Why, when facing very similar war dynamics, do some communities overtly
declare their opposition to violent groups while others disguise it by engaging
and participating in seemingly unrelated activities? Why, in an already violent
context such as civil war, do some communities opt to manifest their dissent
through nonviolent methods instead of organizing violence of their own?
Answers to these questions will improve our understanding of how armed
conflict operates on the ground, how it transforms the lives of ordinary people
caught up in war, and how civilians manage to retain and activate their agency
when faced with the possibility of violent repression. This improved under-
standing can in turn inform ongoing policy debates on the protection of civil-
ians—in particular, civilian self-protection—and postconflict reconstruction.
Although recent studies have explored the conditions under which these
types of community level responses to violent actors are more likely to
emerge, and their potential effects on armed groups’ behavior (Arjona, 2016;
Kaplan, 2017; Masullo, 2017; Rubin, 2019), we still know little about why
they take different forms when they emerge. Grassroots responses range from
everyday forms of resistance (Scott, 1985) and disguised collective action
(Fu, 2017) to the creation of zones of peace (Hancock & Mitchell, 2007) and
the formation of community-initiated militias (Jentzsch, 2014; Schubiger,
2019). I argue that ideational factors help explain this variation in the form
that community responses to armed groups take.
Despite acknowledging that war is fundamentally a political enterprise
fuelled by ideas, theories of civil conflict tend to focus on structural condi-
tions, organizational characteristics, and/or situational factors. Until a recent
renewed interest in understanding how ideology affects armed groups’ behav-
ior (Costalli & Ruggeri, 2017; Gutierrez Sanín & Wood, 2014; Leader
Maynard, 2019), ideas had long been overlooked in the political science con-
flict scholarship. This new line of inquiry has provided a more complete and
sophisticated understanding of how armed groups behave, refining and some-
times challenging established theories of civil conflict. We have learned, for
example, that ideology can shape civilian targeting (e.g., in Mozambique and
Angola; Thaler, 2012), tactical escalation of violence (e.g., in Peru; Ron,
2001), systems of governance (e.g., in Greece; Kalyvas, 2015), and rebel
infighting and alliance formation (e.g., in Syria; Gade et al., 2019; Gade,
Hafez, & Gabbay, 2019). This increased attention to ideology has also yielded
important macrolevel findings. For example, Balcells and Kalyvas (2015)
show that rebel groups that embrace a socialist ideology are defeated at a
higher rate, and conflicts in which they are involved tend to be fought as
irregular wars, last longer, and result in more fatalities.1
Masullo 1851
Masullo 3
I contribute to this new strand of research by extending the examination of
ideational factors to civilian behavior. I focus on one possible way in which
civilians can respond to armed groups: noncooperation—that is, the refusal to
cooperate, either directly or indirectly, with armed organizations. Although
civilian support has long been central to the study of civil war (Johnson,
1962; Kalyvas, 2006; Wood, 2003), noncooperation has received scant atten-
tion. This omission is problematic: not only is noncooperation common
enough to be important in its own right, but it also has the power to shape war
trajectories and outcomes in consequential ways. Recent studies have shown
that it can affect the level of violence that armed groups inflict on civilians
(Kaplan, 2017), the distribution of territorial control and the establishment of
rebel governance (Arjona, 2016; Rubin, 2019), communities’ resilience to
communal violence (Krause, 2018), and communities’ capacity to engage in
postconflict reconstruction (Masullo, 2018).
Noncooperation campaigns can be violent or nonviolent, and may
involve different degrees of confrontation vis á vis armed groups, ranging
from oblique manifestations of disobedience to declaring entire areas off
limits to armed groups.2 I contend that ideational factors—in the form of
normative commitments and oppositional ideologies, and through the
workings of political entrepreneurs—are central to explaining variation in
the type of noncooperation.
This article bridges two areas of inquiry that are gaining increasing atten-
tion in conflict research: ideology and civilian agency.3 In doing so, it creates
a new complementary research avenue that recognizes civilians as agents—
rather than merely victims or resources to be plundered—and explores ide-
ational factors beyond the dominant armed group focus. Moreover, by
exploring organized civilian responses, this study also promotes a promising
dialogue between research programs on the microdynamics of civil war and
contentious politics, two strands of literature that despite exploring very simi-
lar phenomena have largely advanced in cordial indifference to each other’s
findings (Tarrow, 2007).
The Role of Ideational Factors in Civilian
Contention
Ideational factors, unlike structural variables and situational incentives, are
nonmaterial and related to the content of actors’ cognitions (Jacobs, 2014).
They account for different belief systems and cover various aspects such as
identities, ideals (that can be expressed as structured ideologies), narratives,
interpretative frameworks, and normative commitments. They give actors

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