Citizen Mobilization and the Adoption of Local Growth Control

Published date01 September 1992
Date01 September 1992
DOI10.1177/106591299204500306
AuthorTodd Donovan,Max Neiman
Subject MatterArticles
CITIZEN
MOBILIZATION
AND
THE
ADOPTION
OF
LOCAL
GROWTH
CONTROL
TODD
DONOVAN,
Western
Washington
University
and
MAX
NEIMAN,
University
of
California,
Riverside
n
recent
years
social
scientists
across
a
range
of
disciplines
have
become
increasingly
interested
in
the
struggle
to
control
land
use.
One
reason
for
the
increased
interest
is
that
the
political
and
eco-
nomic
stakes
involved
in
land
use
issues
are
very
high.
These
issues
may
structure,
as
Molotch
notes,
&dquo;who
in
material
terms,
gets
what,
where,
and
how&dquo;
in
the
community,
and
who
stands
to
benefit
from
growth,
change
or
stability.
Recognizing
the
importance
of
this,
recent
urban
research
has
dedicated
attention
to
the
influence
of
local
&dquo;growth
machines&dquo;
(Molotch
1976;
Logan
and
Molotch
1987;
similarly,
Elkin
1987),
the
dominance
of
&dquo;developmental&dquo;
policy
issues
in
city
politics
(Peterson
1981),
as
well
as
the
rise
of
&dquo;growth
control&dquo;
movements
por-
traying
citizens
mobilized
in
opposition
to
local
growth
(Neiman
and
Loveridge
1981;
Protash
and
Baldassare
1983;
Cox
1984;
Logan
and
Zhou
1990).
Finally,
a
number
of
scholars
see
competition
over
the
use
and
control
of
land
as
a
core
social
process,
by
which
the
very
sub-field
of
urban
analysis
can
be
defined
(Williams
1971;
Neiman
1975;
Gottdiener
1985).
This
literature
highlights
the
tension
between
the
usual
dominance
in
local
policymaking
of
relatively
insulated
development-oriented
elites,
and
the
episodic
movement
against
growth
in
many
areas
that
has
spawned
slow-growth
policies.
One
question
which
emerges
from
this
tension
involves
the
extent
which
citizen
mobilization
against
growth
may
structure
what
cities
actually
do
to
control
growth.
Since
the
mid
1970s,
a
range
of
growth
control
policies
has
become
common
in
many
suburban
regions
(Dowall
1984;
Scott,
Brower
and
Miner
1975).
The
observation
that
many
communities
are
hostile
to
development,
or
make
it
difficult
for
new
development
to
occur
is
not
new
(Babcock
and
Bosselman
1973;
Siegan
1972).
However,
our
knowledge
about
the
process
behind
the
adoption
of
these
controls
is
limited.
Previous
studies
652
have
established
that
participation
in
local
politics
has
a
direct
status-
bias,
noting
that
higher
status
groups
are
more
likely
to
form
local
political
associations
and
participate
in
local
politics
(Guest
and
Oropesa
1984).
Additional
research
has
demonstrated
an
association
between
upper
status
communities
and
the
adoption
of
restrictions
on
develop-
ment
(Baldassare
and
Protash
1982).
Less
is
known
about
how
levels
of
citizen
mobilization
may,
directly
or
indirectly,
translate
social-
group
pressures
into
variations
in
policy
outcomes.
Measures
of
citizen
mobilization
in
previous
studies
are
typically
indirect,
surrogate
indicators
of actual
citizen
mobilization
and
conflict
in
the
process
of
local
growth
politics,
and
thus
may
give
us
only
a
faint
portrait
of
the
influence
that
citizens
had
in
forming
policy.
Without
details
of
how
different
political
actors
influence
the
formation
of
local
policy,
empirical
demonstration
of
a
link
between
social
group
presence
and
a
growth-restrictive
policy
does
not
necessarily
establish
that
mobil-
ization
against
growth
generated
such
linkages.
In
some
cities
local
legislatures
might
simply
mirror
the
preferences
of
the
citizenry,
re-
sulting
in
pro-growth
or
anti-growth
policies
independently
of
citizen
mobilization.
This
study
examines
how
differences
in
local
policy
processes
can
be
associated
with
local
growth
policies.
We
test
whether
citizen
activ-
ity
structures
the
content
of
local
growth
policies
and,
if
so,
whether
the
resulting
policies
are
more
likely
to
be
regulatory,
distributive,
or
redistributive.
By
focusing
upon
the
residential
development
policies
of
147
municipalities
in
southern
California,
a
number
of
hypotheses
regarding
the
causes
of
increased
restrictiveness
of
residential
controls
can
be
examined.
These
hypotheses
incorporate
not
only
traditional
status-based
explanations
regarding
the
etiology
of
local
development
disputes,
but
also
draw
on
a
more
general
community
conflict
frame-
work
to
account
for
inter-community
differences
in
residential
restric-
tiveness.
We
test
the
hypothesis
that
regulation
of
residential
develop-
ment
will
be
more
extensive
in
those
cities
where
citizen
mobilization
against
growth
is
greatest.
The
determinants
of
conflict
and
mobiliza-
tion
over
residential
development
issues
are
also
examined.
OVERVIEW:
CITIZEN
MOBILIZATION
AND
LOCAL
PUBLIC
POLICY
The
question
of
how
citizen
discontent
with
growth
translates
into
tangible
policy
outcomes
has
been
addressed
traditionally
as
one
of
a
series
of
hypotheses
tested
by
comparing
the
incidence
of
growth
con-

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