Child Discipline in Times of Conflict

AuthorMichael Malcolm,Vidya Diwakar,George Naufal
DOI10.1177/0022002719887492
Date01 July 2020
Published date01 July 2020
Subject MatterArticles
Article
Child Discipline
in Times of Conflict
Michael Malcolm
1
, Vidya Diwakar
2
,
and George Naufal
3
Abstract
Using a unique pairing of household survey data and geolocational conflict data, we
investigate the relationship between conflict intensity and the disciplinary methods
employed by Iraqi households. We find that parents in high-conflict areas are more
likely to use moderate and severe corporal punishment and are less likely to use
constructive parenting techniques like redirection. A corresponding difference-in-
differences analysis confirms the nature of this association. While there is a general
sense that war has profound long-term impacts on the psychological health of
children, research on transmission mechanisms remains limited. Given the per-
sistence of early childhood outcomes into adulthood, these results are potentially
an important piece of assessing and mitigating the long-term costs of war on
civilian populations.
Keywords
Iraq war, child discipline, mental health, Middle East, household interactions
The Iraq war has imposed large costs on the Iraqi population. For example, Stiglitz
and Bilmes (2008) note that Iraqi gross domestic product basically flatlined in the
years following the second Gulf War, despite a more than 100 percent increase in the
1
Department of Economics and Finance, West Chester University, PA, USA
2
Chronic Poverty Advisory Network, Overseas Development Institute, London, UK
3
Public Policy Research Institute, Texas A&M University, College Station, TX, USA
Corresponding Author:
Michael Malcolm, Department of Economics and Finance, West Chester University, 700 S High St., West
Chester, PA 19382, USA.
Email: mmalcolm@wcupa.edu
Journal of Conflict Resolution
2020, Vol. 64(6) 1070-1094
ªThe Author(s) 2019
Article reuse guidelines:
sagepub.com/journals-permissions
DOI: 10.1177/0022002719887492
journals.sagepub.com/home/jcr
price of oil. The human cost has also been large. As of May 2019, the Iraq Body
Count (IBC) database has recorded at least 183,535 civilian deaths related to vio-
lence during and after the war (IBC 2019).
The impact of war-related violence on households can be devastating. War leads
to long-term reductions in income and economic growth, in addition to permanent
increases in risk for both physical and mental health–related disorders (Blattman and
Miguel 2010; Levy and Sidel 2008). These stresses can spill over to the way in which
families interact, and there is a small but growing literature on the effects of war on
family violence (Saile et al. 2014; Sriskandarajah, Neuner, and Catani 2015b). In
this article, we use data from Iraq to study the relationship between conflict intensity
and the disciplinary practices employed by Iraqi households.
The limited data that are available sugges t that child maltreatment in Iraq is
serious. A 2013 report issued by Iraq’s Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs claims
that as many as five of six children in Iraq are exposed to domestic violence in some
form and notes serious inadequacies in the legal infrastructure for addressing domes-
tic violence (Al Monitor 2013). Similarly, United Nations (UN) reporting shows that
Iraqi children suffer from high levels of domestic violence but that lack of good data
makes the extent of the problem “difficult to ascertain” (Office of the High Com-
missioner for Human Rights 2011). Findings are similar for other countries in the
region, including 92 percent support for corporal punishment of children among
Syrian parents and a 46 percent incidence rate of harsh physical discipline among
Egyptian parents (Akmatov 2010; Runyan et al. 2010). Work that exists on child
maltreatment in the context of conflict in other areas of the world also suggests that
the problem can be serious. Catani, Schauer, and Neuner (2008) documented high
levels of child maltreatment during conflict periods in Afghanistan and Sri Lanka
but commented at that time that analyzing the impact of war was difficult because of
a lack of comparable pre- and post-conflict data. More recently, a number of studies
employ interviews with war-affected parents and children to conclude that exposure
to war and to other forms of mass trauma is a predictor of violent parenting practices.
For example, Saile et al. (2014) reached this finding using data from Uganda and
Sriskandarajah, Neuner, and Catani (2015b) for Sri Lanka. There also appears to be a
link between war and intimate partner violence (Clark et al. 2010; Haj-Yahia and
Clark 2013).
Our contribution to this literature is twofold. First, we bring new data and
statistical techniques to bear on the question. Where previous studies mostly rely
on interviews with modest sample sizes and retrospective self-reporting of expo-
sure to trauma, our sample size is much larger and uses official casualty records to
measure exposure to violence. Second, the regional context is important. The
Middle East is extremely conflict-prone and has experienced more conflicts than
any other major region worldwide since World War II, which is especially trou-
bling since the Middle East has a very young population (Naufal 2011; Dhillon
2008). Given the lifelong persistence of conflict experiences, with measurable
costs decades into the future, work on the microlevel impacts of war is important
Malcolm et al. 1071

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