Chapter I
| Published date | 01 May 1918 |
| Date | 01 May 1918 |
| DOI | http://doi.org/10.1177/0002716218077001S02 |
1
CHAPTER
I
THE
LEGISLATURE’S
INHERENT
POWERS
IN
MATTERS
OF
PROCEDURE
The
methods
and
forms
by
which
legislative
business
is
carried
on
are
notoriously
lax.
Rules
designed
to
protect
the
rights
of
the
minority,
to
secure
due
deliberation
and
publicity
for
all
legislative
acts,
and
to
introduce
order
into
the
performance
of
legislative
duties
are
known
to
be
frequently
disregarded.
Judgments
of
presiding
officers
in
direct
contravention
of
the
rules
have
been
sustained
by
majority
vote,
and
legislative
houses,
in
flagrant
violation
of
their
own
law,
have
overruled
correct
decisions.
To
such
loose
and
chaotic
practice
was
due,
in
no
small
degree,
the
growing
popular
distrust
which
so
boldly
marked
the
nineteenth
century
attitude
towards
our
state
legislatures.
Successive
constitutions
reflect
the
decline
of
confidence
in
representative
assemblies
by
defining
and
restricting
in
great
detail
the
powers
which
the
legislature
may
exer-
cise.
Relief
from
the
prevailing
extravagance
and
recklessness
was
sought
by
designating
the
forms
and
procedure
by
which
the
legis-
lature
must
act.
Thus
the
newer
constitutions,
in
an
effort
to
in-
sure
order
and
deliberation
in
the
work
of
the
legislatures,
or
at
least
to
prevent
repetitions
of
certain
gross
frauds,
came
to
include
specific
provisions
governing
parliamentary
practice.
Today
pro-
visions
that
a
bill
must
be
read
three
times
on
separate
days
are
common,
and
numerous
regulations
concerning
introduction
of
bills,
signing
by
presiding
officers,
functions
of
committees,
et
cetera,
occur
in
many
organic
laws.
Occasionally
the
legislature
itself,
in
the
spirit
of
repentance,
elevated
a
rule
of
procedure
to
the
plane
of
statute
law.
Thus
the
requirement
that
local
or
private
bills
must
be
published
in
the
dis-
trict
which
they
affect
found
a
place
on
the
statute
books.
In
like
manner,
improved
methods
of
handling
contested
election
cases
were
attempted
by
acts
delegating
disposition
of
them
to
the
courts.
The
purpose
of
course
was
to
establish
by
legislative
action
a
few
fundamental
parliamentary
rules
to
control
the
whims
of
the
legis-
lature
without
the
observance
of
which
no
action
could
be
deemed
legal.
2
INHERENT
POWERS
DEFINED
But
when
the
aid
of
the
courts
was
summoned
to
apply
these
provisions,
whether
embodied
in
the
constitution
or
occurring
merely
in
the
statute
law,
the
doctrine
of
inherent
powers
a,nd
priv-
ileges
of
legislative
bodies
was
seen
to
be
involved.
Historically
this
is
a
very
ancient
doctrine.
It
takes
its
source
in
the
long
strug-
gle
in
England
between
King
and
Parliament,
when
the
matter
of
gaining
and
securing
recognition
of
a
privilege
was
a
tremendously
important
thing.
A
privilege
once
established,
the
Commons
were
at
that
point
secure
from
royal
interference;
either
directly
by
agents
of
the
king
or
through
the
processes
of
the
courts.
But
it is
one
of
the
curious
developments
of
history
that
a
principle,
em-
ployed
to
protect
the
representatives
of
the
people
against
coercion
and
intimidation
by
an
autocratic
power,
should
today
remove
them
from
all
legal
liability
so
far
as
the
forms
by
which
they
conduct
themselves
are
concerned.
Legal
theory
recognizes
that
each
department
of
government
possesses
certain
inherent
powers
of
which
it
cannot
be
deprived
by
a
co6rdinate
branch.
This
is
the
doctrine
of
inherent
powers.
Speaking
generally,
these
powers
are
such
that
if
the
free
exercise
of
them
were
obstructed
the
effective
discharge
of
the
duties
of
the
constituent
branch
would
be
seriously
impaired.
It
is
generally
accepted
that
no
explicit
constitutional
provision
is
necessary
to
the
exercise
of
these
powers
and
privileges
upon
the
part
of
the
legisla-
ture,
but
that
they
are
implied
in
the
general
grant
of
legislative
power
and
are
necessary
if
that
body
is
to
fulfill
its
function.
The
broadest
expression
given
to
such
rights
describes
them
as
inherent
in
the
law-making
branch
and
capable
of
being
ascertained
primarily
by’an
examination
of
common
parliamentary
law.
They
are
not
de-
rived
from
express
provisions
in
the
constitutions.
On
the
contrary,
they
arise
from
the
very
nature
of
a
legislative
body.
Indeed
the
constitution
is
not a
grant
but
a
restriction
upon
this
power.’
In
1
Ex
parte
McCarthy,
29
Cal.
395.
This
follows
closely
the
English
theory
of
lex
et
consuetudo
Parliamenti
as
outside
the
common
law.
See
Blackstone’s
"Commentaries,"
Bk.
I,
c. 2;
"But
the
maxims
on
which
they
(the
two
houses
of
Parliament)
proceed,
together
with
the
method
of
proceeding,
rest
entirely
in
the
breast
of
parliament
itself
and
are
not
defined
or
stated
by
any
particular
stated
law."
Coke
also,
4
Inst.
15,
"Judges
ought
not
to
give
any
opinion
of a
matter
of
privilege,
because
it
is
not
to
be
decided
by
the
common
laws
but
secun-
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