Changes in Nonresident Father‐Child Contact From 1976 to 2002

Published date01 February 2009
AuthorCatherine E. Meyers,Paul R. Amato,Robert E. Emery
Date01 February 2009
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-3729.2008.00533.x
PAUL R. AMATO AND CATHERINE E. MEYERS Pennsylvania State University
ROBERT E. EMERY University of Virginia*
Changes in Nonresident Father-Child Contact From
1976 to 2002
To study changes in nonresident father contact
since the 1970s, we pooled data from 4 national
surveys: the National Survey of Children
(1976), the National Survey of Families and
Households (1987 – 1988), the National Longi-
tudinal Survey of Youth (1996), and the
National Survey of America’s Families (2002).
On the basis of mothers’ reports, levels of con-
tact rose signif‌icantly across surveys. Paying
child support and having a nonmarital birth
were strongly related to contact frequency. The
increase in contact may be benef‌icial in general
but problematic if it occurs within the context of
hostile interparental relationships. Because
nonresident fathers are having more contact
with their children now than in the past, an
increasing need exists for practitioners to help
parents f‌ind ways to separate their former
romantic roles from their ongoing parental
roles and to develop at least minimally cooper-
ative coparental relationships.
Researchers, policymakers, and the public all
have an interest in, and often hold differingopin-
ions about, the extent of fathers’ involvement in
childrearing. This issue has been of particular
importance sincethe 1960s and 1970s, when fem-
inist ideals challenged the ‘‘traditional’’ family
roles of mother as caretaker and father as bread-
winner (Griswold, 1993). Evidenceindicates that
married fathers have increased their level of
involvement with children during recent deca-
des. The proportion of time married fathers spent
in direct child care relative to mothers increased
from 0.24 to 0.55 between 1965 and 1998, ac-
cording to research from nationally representa-
tive samples (Casper & Bianchi, 2002).
Our purpose was to explore whether nonresi-
dent fathers also increased their involvement
with children in recent decades. We know that
the number of children who lived primarily with
their fathers increased by about 50% between
1960 and 1990 (Meyer & Garasky, 1993). Yet
(excluding cases of joint physical custody),
divorced, separated, or never-married mothers
remain far more likely than fathers to be child-
ren’s primary residential parent: 83% versus
17% in the United States in 2004 (Grall, 2006).
What we do not know is whether nonresidential
fathers’ contact with children has increased in
recent years, and if so, what factors are related
to this increase. The goal of the current study
was to f‌ill this gap in the literature.
WHY STUDYING CONTACT ISIMPORTANT
With respect to children’s well-being, most re-
searchers recognize that the quality of the rela-
tionship between nonresident fathers and their
Department of Sociology at the Pennsylvania State Univer-
sity, University Park, PA 16802 (pxa6@psu.edu).
*Center for Children, Families, and the Law at the Univer-
sity of Virginia, 102 Gilmer Hall, Charlottesville, VA
22904-4400.
Key Words: child support, father contact, fatherhood, father
involvement, nonresidential fathers.
Family Relations 58 (February 2009): 41–53 41
A Publication of
the National Council on
Family Relations

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