Capital Strikes as a Corporate Political Strategy: The Structural Power of Business in the Obama Era

AuthorMichael Schwartz,Kevin A. Young,Tarun Banerjee
Published date01 March 2018
Date01 March 2018
DOI10.1177/0032329218755751
Subject MatterArticles
https://doi.org/10.1177/0032329218755751
Politics & Society
2018, Vol. 46(1) 3 –28
© 2018 SAGE Publications
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DOI: 10.1177/0032329218755751
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Article
Capital Strikes as a Corporate
Political Strategy:
The Structural
Power of Business
in the Obama Era
Kevin A. Young
University of Massachusetts Amherst
Tarun Banerjee
University of Pittsburgh
Michael Schwartz
Stony Brook University
Abstract
The importance of overt levers of business political influence, notably campaign
donations and lobbying, has been overemphasized. Using executive branch
policymaking during the Obama administration as a case study, this article shows
that those paths of influence are often not the most important. It places special
emphasis on the structural power that large banks and corporations wield by virtue
of their control over the flow of capital and the consequent effects on employment
levels, credit availability, prices, and tax collection. At times, business disinvestment,
combined with demands for government policy reforms, constitutes a conscious
“capital strike,” which has the potential to shape political appointments, legislation,
and policy implementation. At other times, the threat of disinvestment, the hint
of a drop in “business confidence,” or rhetoric about job creation is sufficient to
achieve those objectives. The present analysis has important implications for our
understanding of political power and social change in capitalist economies.
Keywords
structural power, capital strike, business confidence, financial reform, Wall Street
Corresponding Author:
Kevin A. Young, University of Massachusetts Amherst, 612 Herter Hall, 161 Presidents Drive, Amherst,
MA 01003-9312, USA.
Email: kayoung@umass.edu
755751PASXXX10.1177/0032329218755751Politics & SocietyYoung et al.
research-article2018
4 Politics & Society 46(1)
The Obama administration raises a vital question for scholars of policymaking: Why
did it fail to deliver on a host of popular reforms promised during the 2008 campaign?
In some realms (e.g., government transparency, an end to aggressive foreign policy)
the promises went entirely unfulfilled, while in others (e.g., climate change, health-
care, financial reform) the policy changes were inadequate given the magnitude of the
problems and less ambitious than Obama’s electoral base had expected. Particularly
puzzling was the fact that some reforms were within reach during the two years of
Democratic control of Congress or achievable by unilateral executive power.
Environmental reforms, for example, stopped well short of what was legally permis-
sible, popular with the public, and ecologically imperative.1
In the case of financial reform, the incoming Obama administration had a clear
mandate to pursue far-reaching regulation. Unprecedented anger at banks, coupled
with evidence of illegal behavior, would likely have made strong action popular.2 Yet
while the banks could not block reform altogether, many potential policy solutions—
including limits to bank size, mandates to maintain higher capital ratios, and higher
“risk retention”—were either excluded from the 2010 reform legislation or weakened
in the implementation phase. The viability of the resulting policies has been widely
questioned.3
Scholars and journalists have proposed several explanations. One highlights the
personal predilections of the president. According to this view, Obama’s unfamiliar-
ity with economic policy, and perhaps his own cautious demeanor, resulted in the
appointment of bank-friendly advisers with close ties to Robert Rubin, the former
CEO of Goldman Sachs, who as treasury secretary under Clinton led the deregula-
tory frenzy of the late 1990s.4 A second view blames the constraints imposed by
Congress, arguing that the confirmation process forced Obama to nominate this type
of individual.5 A third viewpoint stresses the influence of business: Obama’s heavy
reliance on financial contributions from Wall Street gave these backers influence
over his administration.6
This article argues that the third approach holds the most explanatory power.
Business influence was the most important constraint on federal financial policy. The
roots of business power have not been adequately explicated, however. We argue that
scholars have overemphasized overt mechanisms such as campaign finance and lob-
bying, and that business influence derives in large part from its structural control over
the economy.
The most dramatic deployment of this structural power occurs when businesses
refuse to invest in the economy—a “capital strike.” Even when the initial disinvest-
ment results mostly from market forces, as in the crash of 2008, it can become a bar-
gaining chip by which business can exert influence over the policy process, with
reinvestment promised in exchange for policy concessions. Moreover, once this pat-
tern of disinvestment, negotiation, and reinvestment is demonstrated, the threat of dis-
investment may be sufficient to generate negotiating leverage. Such threats take
various forms, including explicit statements that certain sectors or entire economies
are not attractive to investors, general warnings about low “business confidence,” and
business leaders’ references to themselves as “job creators.”

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