Brewing Violence: Foreign Investment and Civil Conflict
Author | Boliang Zhu,Pablo M. Pinto |
DOI | 10.1177/00220027211073918 |
Published date | 01 July 2022 |
Date | 01 July 2022 |
Subject Matter | Articles |
Article
Journal of Conflict Resolution
2022, Vol. 66(6) 1010–1036
© The Author(s) 2022
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DOI: 10.1177/00220027211073918
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Brewing Violence: Foreign
Investment and Civil Conflict
Pablo M. Pinto
1
and Boliang Zhu
2
Abstract
Two prominent features in current world affairs are the unprecedented level of global
economic integration and the growing incidence of intrastate violence. We develop and
test a novel argument linking global integration through foreign investment to intrastate
armed conflict. The presence of multinational corporations in developing countries can
cause market concentration, resulting in high rents. Disputes between governments
and would-be challengers over the appropriation of these rents are likely to turn
violent, increasing the incidence of armed conflict. State capacity mitigates this positive
association between foreign investment and intrastate war. Strong states have the
capacity to deter rebellions, address citizens’demands through institutionalized
mechanisms, and credibly commit to the peaceful resolution of conflicts. Using data
from developing countries for over four decades and addressing potential endogeneity
and selection biases, we find strong support for our hypotheses. Our findings have
important implications for understanding the link between economic interdependence
and conflict.
Keywords
foreign direct investment, multinational corporations, market concentration,
economic rents, state capacity, civil conflict, instrumental variables
1
Hobby School of Public Affairs, University of Houston, Houston, TX, USA
2
Department of Political Science, Pennsylvania State University, University Park, PA, USA
Corresponding Author:
Boliang Zhu, Department of Political Science, Pennsylvania State University, 317 Pond Lab, University Park,
PA 16802-1503, USA.
Email: bxz14@psu.edu
Introduction
A prominent feature of the international economy in the post-war era is the formation of
global production networks built around multinational corporations (MNCs). Over the
same period, there has been a dramatic increase in the number of countries experiencing
political violence and intrastate armed conflict. The percentage of conflict-affected
countries increased steadily during the second half of the twentieth century, to a peak of
20% in the early 1990s (Blattman and Miguel 2010, 4).
The relationship between globalization and conflict has become a source of con-
tention among scholars and practitioners. Theories of commercial liberalism assert that
economic integration promotes peace between states as governments internalize the
losses resulting from the disruptive effect of violent conflict (e.g., Oneal and Russet
1997;Russett and Oneal 2001). Likewise, economic integration increases the op-
portunity costs of resorting to violence to resolve intrastate conflicts and disputes.
Governments and rebel groups have incentives to avoid violence because intrastate
wars disrupt cross-border economic exchanges that bring wealth and prosperity (e.g.,
Barbieri and Reuveny 2005;Blanton and Apodaca 2007;Bussmann and Schneider
2007;Gleditsch 2007;Hegre, Gissinger, and Gleditsch 2003).
Yet, the propositions from commercial liberalism on the relationship between
economic integration and intrastate conflict overlook some important features of global
integration. First, commercial liberalism assumes that globalization generates benefits
to the economy, and that those benefits are uniformly distributed across societal groups
(Schneider 2014, 176). Global integration, however, creates winners and losers within
countries; the uneven distribution of benefits and costs has the potential to exacerbate
grievances, increasing incentives to rebel and fight (Bussmann and Schneider 2007;
Hartzell, Hoddie, and Bauer 2010;Olzak 2011). Second, there is an underlying as-
sumption that by promoting economic development, global integration in general
reduces rebels’incentives to fight. A body of critical scholarship suggests that the
relationship between war and development is rather complicated (e.g., Cramer 2006;
Gómez, S´
anchez-Ayala, and Vargas 2015;Maher 2015;Thomson 2011): Although war
severely inhibits development and has significantly negative impacts on the victims of
violence, under certain circumstances violence can be instrumental in development,
particularly when development is measured as growth in GDP per capita or foreign
direct investment (FDI) inflows. Finally, different forms of globalization, such as trade
and FDI, may affect domestic conflict through different mechanisms. The debate is not
only theoretical but also empirical. Researchers have reported positive, negative, or no
relationship between global integration and civil conflict (see Barbieri and Reuveny
2005;Blanton and Apodaca 2007;Bussmann and Schneider 2007;de Soysa and Fjelde
2010;Hegre, Gissinger, and Gleditsch 2003).
In this article, we present a novel argument linking inward FDI and civil conflict,
which helps reconcile the theoretical accounts and diverging empirical findings. We
build on the insights from the conflict literature which has established that civil wars are
more likely to break out when the opportunities for appropriating rents are high and the
Pinto and Zhu 1011
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